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More Clarifications Ahead of 2023-Amir Abdul Aziz

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By: Amir Abdulazeez

 

When President Obasanjo carelessly picked Goodluck Jonathan to serve as ‘Yaradua’s potential Vice President in 2007, little did we know that the politics of picking running mates will later become complex and problematic. The death of Ummaru, ascension of Jonathan, surprise emergence of Namadi Sambo and Patrick Yakowa becoming the first Christian Civilian Governor of Kaduna State would all combine to later add more relevance to the politics of running mate selection. In 2014, APC had more headache in picking a presidential running mate than the presidential candidate himself. It took them so much time and effort that one thought they will organize a fresh convention for that purpose.

Today, the Muslim-Muslim ticket debacle is the bane of Nigerian political discourse. While clamouring for fairness and balance which are needed for a fragile system like Nigeria’s, we should also remember that from 1999 to date, no religion can claim any net gain from this Nigerian version of democracy. Ordinary followers of all religions have been victims of bad governance, even pagans. We have suffered so much so that if a pagan/pagan ticket will eradicate insecurity, fix the economy and bring development while being fair to all interests and affiliations, we should allow it. Therefore, the choice is between searching for solutions and satisfying sentiments; we seem to favour the latter.

A section of public commentators and spectators are already suggesting a walkover for Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 polls. That is the biggest complacency I have ever seen in contemporary Nigerian politics. How can you be facing a ruling party with almost 65% of political stakeholdership in the country and be expecting to have a walkover? Atiku is an institution but his successes in the last two PDP primaries is more of financial supremacy than political dominance. That aside, barring a Buhari-like scenario, Atiku will definitely make a good president. He is perhaps the only fully independent candidate with a clear and accessible blueprint since 2007. In 2011, he had a better manifesto and approach than President Goodluck Jonathan; he only lost the PDP primaries to the power of incumbency. By the way, what happened to the Jonathan 2023 candidacy?

2023 Presidential Election Should be Cancelled; It’s Already Predetermined
From 1992, this is Atiku’s 7th attempt at the Presidency with 2019 being his closest to success. Many believe 2023 is his year and so many obvious factors call for optimism in his camp. However, there are two fundamental things that may haunt Waziri; (in)consistency and (un)popularity. Buhari and Tinubu are successfully reaping the harvests of consistency and perseverance; they sticked to opposition politics all their lives. Atiku shouldve remained in opposition when he decamped to Action Congress in 2007 or shouldve remained in the ruling PDP when he decamped back in 2011. Ambition had kept him running from one place to another making him neither establishment nor anti-establishment. The second question is whether there is a single state in Nigeria which Atiku can secure one million votes or more in 2023? I hope we all remember Dr. Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s 3-K States theory?

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Tinubu’s boast in Ogun State over his role in the emergence of Buhari as President needs some revisiting and clarification. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections, it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. 2003 will easily enter the list of the worst elections in modern world history. In 2007, the presidential elections results were simply written, so we cant even call that election not to talk of who won or lost. I have never relied on 2003 and 2007 election figures for any research or serious analysis, because they are largely fabricated. The 2011 elections were relatively fair but at least 40% of the vote was rigged, written or simply inflated especially in the South-South and South-East.

In circumstances like these, we cannot comfortably declare Buhari a loser of all the previous elections he contested and only became a winner when he met Tinubu. It is true that 2015 was the weakest version of political Buhari, it was true that he had lost hope and that the APC merger spearheaded by Tinubu was what brought him back to life. But it is also true that so many other factors other than Tinubu contributed crucially to Buhari’s victory, one major one was the abysmal performance of Goodluck Jonathan. One thing that is however certain is that, without Tinubu’s support, it wouldve been near impossible for Buhari to emerge APC flagbearer against the financial powerhouses in Kwankwaso and Atiku.

This brings us to the argument of access to public funds as the reason why some candidates (not aspirants) are stronger than others. Supporters of a particular presidential candidate even claimed that if their man had equal access to public funds, he would be better than certain candidates. This is laughable; a debate like this will take us nowhere. Just campaign for your candidate and persuade people to vote for him. If we are talking about the abuse of peoples trust and the utilization of our commonwealth for personal political development, none of the major politicians in Nigeria will come out clean. So, let us not deceive ourselves and others.

Where are our smaller political parties who had spent most of their last four years fighting INEC over deregistration? This is a good amount of time they wouldve spent in coming together to form a strong bloc. In case we dont know, 74 of them were deregistered for failing to meet the requirements to continue to exist as political parties. Probably about 10 to 15 of the currently existing will be due for deregistration by this time next year. Instead of them to consider merging to form a decent alternative, theyll rather hang on only to be fighting a legal survival battle with INEC next year. As the strongest and largest intellectual organization in West Africa, I dont even know why ASUU is yet to form a political party or adopt any of the smaller parties to set up a path towards satisfying their own demands all by themselves instead for waiting and hoping for a hopeless Federal Government.

Why is nobody talking about the enormous task ahead of the next president whom credible international reports suggest will have to use 100% of his revenue in servicing (not repaying) debts by 2024? To execute projects or even pay salaries, the next government may have to borrow further. Nigeria is in trouble, we are drowning in the ocean of foreign debts, meanwhile we are concerned over the religion of a presidential candidate more than his ability to bring us out of this mess. Buhari has failed because Jonathan had built a solid foundation for that failure. Now he has built a worse foundation for his successor. Ladies and gentlemen, the possibility and danger of the next president irrespective of his affiliation and preparedness to economically be worse than Buhari is imminent. May God help us.

All of the political dynamics of today are closely related to that of 1999, some a bit earlier. If you have not directly experienced Nigerian political development from 1999 with a mix of some pre-1999 historical knowledge, you will find it difficult if not impossible to connect certain dots that you see today. Extensive and intensive reading may help, but politely interacting with veterans will do better. Social media where most of the political debates occur is dominated by youths who knew little or nothing pre-2011 and dont invest significant time in reading but trying to engage or even confront the same veterans that wouldve been their best opportunity at understanding the genesis of the current situation.
There are some visible changes in Nigeria’s socio-political spaces, although not new but have taken a different twist from the previous. The renewed order is the attempt to criminalize certain political choices against others. Between 2014 to 2018, discourses were dominated by hate, campaigns of calumny, fabrications and outright abuse. Today, political promoters are trying hard to make it appear that only their candidates are good enough and any other choice is treason. This is extremism, lets be careful, everything is a matter of opinion and everyone is entitled to his.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

Politics

As Garo Takes Oath, Electorate In Kano’s 484 Wards Are Represented

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By Abba Anwar

As His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf superintendents the official swearing – in of His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, electorate in all the 484 political wards, across the 44 local governments of the state, will begin to feel well represented. Especially those within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Alongside others from other parties. And even non-party individuals.

According to an analyst, from one of the political research groups based in Abuja, Garo is one of the few politicians in Kano, who have direct and real contacts in each and every ward in the state. So bringing him to the corridor of power, is not only strategic, but politically engaging.

Agreed he has his tentacles across all the 44 local governments and all the 484 wards, coupled with his well wishers across the state. Both state and non-state actors. Today’s swearing-in is not only one of the symbols of state political development, it is aptly conceived in the most designed inclusive political success stories.

While Garo was patiently waiting for the swearing – in, many more political reconciliations took place across political divides, intra and inter. With outstanding results all over camps, communities and individuals. He, outrightly, becomes a unifier for Kano First Agenda. The way I see it, is this, His Excellency, the Deputy Governor, is also one of the hottest cakes in the state now. A position, he enjoys for a long time before now.

His acceptance speech, says a lot in what he believes to be his cardinal principles, as a Deputy Governor. Without any doubt, Governor Yusuf, will find true loyalty, glued support and deliberate delivery in governance, government and the governed, in him.

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What is so fascinating at the swearing – in event, is the presence of His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, whose relationship with HE Garo has always been seen as a bit sour. An explanation, that, I, used to counter-argue on different occasions.

DSP’s presence, marks the beginning of new APC in Kano. I now see unity upon unity in Kano APC. This development alone, is promising, productive, engaging and fruitful. It says a bunch about fence mending effort, initiated and executed by some covertly notable individuals. Some of whom are not even from Kano.

The presence of the former Governor of the state, the Sardauna of Kano, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, an embodiment of humility, during the event, is another symbol of excellence, signifying victory for the party in Kano. Shekarau, another icon whose visibility cuts across all the 44 local governments. The architect of Shoorah political dynasty. A sensitive leader, whose love among his people is largely genuine and unqualifiable.

The Senator representing Kano South, Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila’s attendance, at the event, sends signal to opposition parties, that Kano APC is one indivisible political entity. That cements its power, relevance and domineering effect across the length and breadth of the the state. Victory assured!

Without crossing any boundary, let me say this, part of the strong qualities of HE Garo is loyalty, straightforwardness, KALAMU WAHID, and taking his people closer to his heart. He cares for each and every member of his supporters community, not only in Kano, but even outside the state. His becoming so endearing to his people, supporters and well wishers, has never been accidental.

With DSP, Shekarau and Sumaila at the centre, HE Yusuf and HE Garo at the state level, along other critical stakeholders, Kano APC is waxing stronger, well positioned and expressly attractive. In unity the party can make wonders, make and not mar.

Let me assure the people’s governor, that, keeping HE closer, than usual, will aid the government in maintaining popular grassroot support, from now to election period and beyond. More so, closer understanding and cohesion between our leaders, especially between DSP Jibrin and HE Garo will help the governor in trickling down democratic dividends. In an appreciative manner.

The more our dear governor assigns responsibilities to HE Garo, the more chances for smooth administration. His Excellency, the Deputy Governor alone can shoulder all matters to do with, serving party loyalists, effective political strategy in the land and tension absorption.

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 5th May, 2026

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Kaduna 2027:The Man For The Job, Usman Shehu Bawa

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By Gimbiya Abdu, Kaduna

EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION

Born in Kaduna in April 1973 into the family of Alhaji Bawa Garba – the businessman who pioneered satellite and cable TV in Northern Nigeria and launched the Kaduna International Trade Fair – Usman Shehu Bawa Garba, the 5th of 13 children, grew up with an early appreciation for access and enterprise.

He began his primary education at Kaduna Polytechnic Staff School, continued at Kaduna Capital School, and started secondary school at Sardauna Memorial College before transferring to the American-run Essence International School, where he graduated in 1993. He proceeded to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, earning a Bachelor’s degree in Geography in 1999.

THE MAN BEHIND THE NAME: CHARACTER AND VALUES

Even as a student, Usman Bawa Garba was known as a man of the people, well-liked by his peers and teachers alike, already exhibiting the quiet, grounded leadership that would define his politics.

Humility remains his hallmark. Unassuming and approachable, he consistently seeks ways to make lasting impact in people’s lives. That instinct drives his low-key philanthropy, and he engages freely with all citizens irrespective of ethnicity or religion – a direct reflection of his upbringing.

FROM ANPP TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY: SERVICE AND TRACK RECORD

Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba began his political career in the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), contesting for the House of Representatives to represent Kaduna North. He later joined General Muhammadu Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and won his seat in the 2011 general elections, serving as Deputy Chairman of the House Committee on Communications, and periodically as Acting Chairman.

As a legislator from 2011 to 2015, Hon. Shehu ABG made impact by delivering people-focused projects across education, health, water and infrastructure in Kaduna North Federal Constituency.

ACHIEVEMENTS

ICT AND DIGITAL EDUCATION

He established and equipped solar-powered ICT centres at Kaduna State University, GSS Doka Boys, and Sardauna Memorial College, and drove early school digitalisation by donating over 400 computers.

Beneficiary schools included Kaduna Capital School, Sardauna Memorial School, GSS Ungwan Sarki, GSS Doka, GSS Independence Way, Nuruddeen Islam School Malali, GSS Badarawa, GSS Hayin Banki, and Rimi College, each receiving over 100 computers to expand digital learning access.

These centres remain operational today, with beneficiaries gaining digital skills, employment, freelancing opportunities and launching small tech ventures.

EDUCATION AND YOUTH DEVELOPMENT

Beyond ICT, he renovated classrooms and improved learning facilities in several public schools, including Abdullahi Gwandu College and Kaduna Capital School. Through the Shehu ABG Foundation, he funded free ICT training, SSCE sponsorships, and scholarships for indigent students.

In 2025 alone, the Foundation provided CBT training for 5,000 JAMB/UTME candidates and paid fees for 1,500–3,000 applicants. Internal tracking shows a majority met admission requirements, with many securing placements in tertiary institutions.

The Foundation also awarded health-field scholarships to 100 youths across all 23 LGAs.

WATER AND HEALTHCARE INTERVENTIONS

He delivered boreholes across the 12 wards of Kaduna North, improving access to clean and safe water. Notably, a 40,000-litre water facility was installed at Kawo Motor Park, easing water scarcity for motorists and travellers heading to Northern Nigeria. In healthcare, he constructed and upgraded primary healthcare facilities to strengthen grassroots services, including Ungwan Shanu Primary Health Care, enhancing community-level delivery.

ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT AND JOB CREATION

Constituents remember tangible impact beyond speeches. He quietly distributed over 61 cars, countless motorcycles, grinding and sewing machines, irrigation pumps and direct cash support to youth, women, and elders. His private-sector experience in enterprise growth and youth empowerment complemented this.

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He facilitated employment for many young people into federal establishments including NIPOST, National Ear and Throat Hospital Kaduna, Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital Kaduna, University of Nigeria Nsukka, Nigerian Army, Nigeria Police Force, Immigration Service, and NSCDC.

Through his ABG Computer School and skills acquisition programs, beneficiaries transitioned into income-generating activities, with several now running small businesses in fish farming, poultry, and ICT, and employing others.

SUSTAINED PHILANTHROPY AND INCLUSION

Since leaving the National Assembly, Hon. Shehu has maintained a steady, state-wide rhythm of intervention. His Ramadan relief efforts have distributed more than 10,000 bags of staple food and grains to widows, elders, persons with disabilities, and low-income households, alongside over ₦250 million in cash aid to orphans and vulnerable families.

These interventions are non-discriminatory as Christian communities have equally received Christmas gifts, educational support, and humanitarian assistance.

The Foundation has also implemented education support and relief across all 8 LGAs of Southern Kaduna between 2023 and 2025, reaching thousands of beneficiaries.

Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba frames this as a personal culture of giving “even when not holding office,” aimed at easing hardship and expanding access. While in the National Assembly, his committee experience which included Diaspora, Health, Gas Resources, Electoral Matters, gave him a wide view of Kaduna’s bottlenecks.

THE 2027 MANDATE: A PEOPLE-FIRST GOVERNORSHIP AGENDA

Now a governorship aspirant under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for 2027, he has chosen the PDP as the most inclusive and nationally competitive platform to deliver people-oriented governance in Kaduna State. He is framing his record into a platform focused on four pillars:

1. SECURITY: To tackle the current security challenges facing the state, Hon. Shehu plans to deploy community-based security backed by ward-level intelligence gathering; invest in technology-driven surveillance and rapid response systems; tackle root causes through mass youth employment and skills programs.

2. INCLUSION FOR YOUTH, WOMEN, AND PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES: Given the diversity of Kaduna State, inclusion of youth, women and persons with disabilities is paramount in building an inclusive, prosperous and united state. In this stead, Hon. Bawa Garba plans to expand access to quality healthcare and education; sustain scholarship schemes, promote digital skills training, and implement targeted empowerment programmes for all.

3. FOOD SECURITY AND ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION: The importance of ensuring food security given the current economic hardship and rising cost of food items cannot be overemphasized. Hon. Shehu outline some of his plans in this regard to include: support irrigation and cooperatives; drive investment in agro-processing, mini-grids, as well as investments in ICT hubs to create jobs.

4. GRASSROOTS GOVERNANCE: Regarding grassroots governance, Hon. Shehu is a strong advocate of local government autonomy. If elected governor, he will ensure the local government receives direct funding with full transparency, and he will define a clear role for traditional rulers in strengthening grassroots security and governance.

What makes Hon. Usman Shehu Bawa Garba different is grassroots acceptance across all regions, a consistent record of youth-focused interventions and a unifying approach to leadership that cuts across religious and ethnic lines.

The thread linking father and son remains the same: building infrastructure people can use to live meaningful livelihoods, carried forward with humility and a people-first approach.

Without doubt, S.H.E.H.U. is an embodiment of:
S – Service
H – Humility
E – Empathy
H – Honesty
U – Unity

Not through grand gestures or photo opportunities, but by deliberately and intentionally asking: How can we make the lives of our people better?

THE PLEDGE: Inclusive Governance for a greater Kaduna:
If elected in 2027, Hon. Shehu Usman Bawa Garba will govern through wide, continuous consultation with all Kaduna people – including traditional and religious leaders, technocrats, market associations, labour unions, farmers’ cooperatives, women’s groups, youth organisations, persons with disabilities, the elderly, and the underserved – irrespective of religion, ethnicity, or political creed.

His administration will deliver responsive, people-driven services that confront today’s harsh economy: affordable healthcare and quality education, food security via irrigation and input support, jobs through agro-processing, mini-grids and ICT hubs, and security that lets families and businesses thrive.

The measure is simple: no citizen regrets their vote. With transparency and inclusion, Hon. Shehu Usman Bawa Garba will deliver real dividends of democracy, restore dignity to livelihoods, and return Kaduna to peace, prosperity, and its past glory.

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Nigerian Opposition Parties: Divided Within, Weakened by External Forces

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By Ali Sabo

Nigeria’s democracy is facing a quiet but dangerous shift, not through the abolition of opposition parties, but through their systematic weakening. What is unfolding across the country’s political landscape increasingly suggests not just coincidence or internal dysfunction, but a pattern in which opposition parties are being fractured in ways that ultimately benefit the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

At the heart of this crisis is the steady disintegration of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While internal divisions have long existed, recent developments point to something more strategic. The prominent role of Nyesom Wike, a leading PDP figure now serving as the FCT Minister within the APC government has blurred the line between opposition and ruling party influence. His continued leverage within PDP structures, combined with legal battles over party leadership, which were put to bed yesterday by the Supreme Court has effectively paralysed the party at a critical moment in Nigeria’s democratic cycle.

The pattern does not end with the PDP. The Labour Party, which energised millions of voters in the last election, is now entangled in leadership disputes and factional crises that have weakened its national momentum. The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) faces similar fragmentation. Even newer coalition efforts around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), led by Senator David Mark, are already showing signs of destabilisation before they can fully consolidate.

Individually, each of these crises might be explained away as internal party failure. But taken together, they reveal a broader pattern: every major opposition platform is simultaneously weakened, divided, or distracted. This is where the question of interference becomes unavoidable.

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The circulation and reported video allegedly involving the Chief of Staff to the President, has intensified concerns that these outcomes may not be entirely organic. The suggestion that political actors are being encouraged to remain within opposition parties in order to destabilise them, if true, reflects a strategy that does not eliminate opposition outright, but renders it ineffective from within.

Even beyond that video, Nigeria’s political history shows that power is rarely neutral in moments like this. Influence is exercised through alliances, inducements, strategic appointments, and the leveraging of state and legal processes. When key opposition figures align closely with the ruling establishment while retaining influence in their original parties, it creates conditions for internal sabotage that are difficult to prove, but impossible to ignore.

To be clear, opposition parties are not without fault. Weak internal democracy, personality-driven leadership, and lack of ideological clarity have made them vulnerable. But vulnerability alone does not explain the consistency and timing of the crises now affecting nearly all major opposition platforms.

What emerges is a political environment where: Opposition parties are internally divided, leadership struggles consume their energy, legal disputes stall their progress, and, ultimately, the ruling party faces a fragmented and ineffective challenge

This is how dominant-party systems are built, not by banning opposition, but by ensuring it cannot function effectively.

Nigeria is not yet a one-party state. But if the current trajectory continues, it risks becoming something just as troubling: a system where opposition exists, but only in form, not in strength.

The danger here is not only political; it is democratic. When voters begin to feel that alternatives are weak, compromised, or deliberately undermined, trust in the system erodes. Participation declines. Cynicism grows. And power becomes increasingly concentrated.

The responsibility, therefore, is twofold. The ruling party must recognise that long-term legitimacy depends on fair competition, not strategic dominance at all costs. And opposition parties must urgently rebuild internal cohesion and resist forces, internal or external that seek to divide them.

Because in the end, democracy is not sustained by the strength of those in power alone, but by the presence of a credible, independent, and resilient opposition.

Ali Sabo is a political analyst, and he writes from Kano

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