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Opinion

Federal Poly Kabo And The Need For Balance Among Three Senatorial Zones

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Mudassir Aliyu Saidu

 

BY:

MUDASSIR ALIYU YUNUSA
mudassiray@gmail.com

….We really appreciate and welcome the new Federal Polytechnic Kabo (FEDPOKAB) Kano, because it is a good development to Kano State.

Education is fundamental in human development, it is a human right ought to be acquired by all and sundry, education is among the best and strongest instruments for reducing poverty, gender inequality and then improving health care, bringing peace and stability as well as making individual and society to gain freedom and independent. For any society or community to prosper and become developed, education should be given much priority; there is need for higher investment on education.

Effective concern on education is the key for capacity building which in essence bring so many positive things to the community. With education people of a given geographical settlement will be literate, civilized and become so exposed to development strategies and they can use knowledge to tackle any negative tendency and stigmatization amongst themselves.

 

The first step for fighting ignorance in a community is through provision of available and standard schools and learning centers ranging from Primary and Secondary Schools, Tertiary Institutions and Universities as well as the establishment of Skills Acquisition and Vocational Training Centres with the aim of making people self reliant and entrepreneurs.

However, Kano is the largest state in Nigeria in terms of population growth, for long, Kano is among the cities that fall within the route of the age long trans- saharan trade known for commercial and business activities in the world. The Centre of Commerce is also among the state with higher concentration of educational institutions owned by both federal and state governments as well as private individuals.
The three Senatorial Zones (Kano Central, Kano North and Kano South) are equally treated particularly with the homogenous nature of Kano people in terms of religion, tribe and ethnic background.

The concentration of Tertiary Institutions in the state ought to be considered for justice and fairness to prevail among the three (3) Senatorial Divisions of the state. Kano Central have Bayero University Kano, (BUK), Yusuf Maitama Sule University, National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN with Four Study Centres within Kano Central), Federal College of Education (FCE), State College of Education (Sa’adatu Rimi), Aminu Kano College of Islamic And Legal Studies, Kano State College of Education and Preliminary studies (Formerly known as CAS Kano), School of Management Studies and School of Technology (under Kano State Polytechnic), School of Nursing, School of Hygiene and Environmental Studies, School of Health Technology, Federal College of Agricultural Produce Techonoly and many private universities and degree awarding institutions all situated in Kano Central.

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For Kano North, Federal College of Education (Technical) Bichi, Audu Bako College of Agriculture Danbatta, School of Environmental studies Gwarzo (Kano State Polytechnic), Annex campus of Kano State College of Education and Preliminary Studies Kunchi and also the Newly created Federal Polytechnic Kabo are all sited in the zone. In addition to these, in all 13 local Governments Under Kano North there is one Study Centre of National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) facilitated, built, commissioned and supported by the Senator representing the district.

It may interest you to know that Kano South Senatorial Zone is the largest Senatorial District not only in Kano but in the whole Northern Nigeria in terms of population and area demarcated to be part of the district with 15 Local Government areas, Kano South has only Three (3) Government owned Tertiary Institutions all belongs to Kano State Government, (i.e Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, School of Rural and Entrepreneurship Studies, Rano (under Kano state polytechnic) and Annex Campus of Kano State College of Education and Preliminary Studies at Tudun Wada. There is no single Federal government owned Tertiary Institution in the whole Kano South even a single Study Centre of the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) seize to exist in the senatorial zone.

However with the above concentration of educational institutions in the state, Kano South is considered as educationally less developed region and is quite marginalized in terms of concentration of Tertiary Institutions compared to other Senatorial Zones in the State.

We really appreciate and welcome the new Federal Polytechnic Kabo (FEDPOKAB) Kano, because it is a good development to the entire people of Kano State and also a step forward toward producing more graduates from the state through fighting against the delay caused by incessant universities strike.

Our only concern for the people of Kano South Senatorial zone is, they deserve one Federal Institution to be sited at the district for even development and to balance the equation of tertiary education in the state. Though Kano Central took the largest share of all Educational Institutions (both Federal and State) yet there is need for Kano South to have at least one. If we really want justice and fairness the Newly created Federal Polytechnic Should be located at Kano South as all Federal Institutions are located in Kano Central and Kano North. e.g Federal College of Education Technical is situated in Bichi which is under Kano north, same zone with Kabo. Moreso, another bill to establish Federal Medical Center at Gwarzo has passed second reading at the National Assembly. and Gwarzo is also Kano North?

Where is the Senator from Kano South? Where are they? The respective members House of Representatives, Where are the stakeholders from the zone? Where are you all when Federal Government decided to create Polytechnic in the State? Though the Federal Government itself should ought to have conducted a survey and evaluation in respect to establishing any institution in any state intended to benefit from more importantly educational and health institutions, but our people should advice and work to see that the institution should be located at the right place (Kano South) for the simple reason of balancing the concentration of educational institution as well as fear of marginalizing one zone among others.

 

Therefore, it is pertinent for Kano state and Federal governments to look into this gap and work to solve these educational disparities especially for even development and for the benefit of the teaming population of People of Kano South which is the largest Senatorial District in Northern Nigeria.
MUDASSIR could be reached via mudassiray@gmail.com

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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