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Religion , Ethics And Journalism: The NASCO Story

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By Jonathan Ishaku

One of the setbacks of tackling terrorism in Nigeria today is the tendency to conflate it with religion. As a multi-religious society, journalists need to be faithful in the rendition of the terrorism narrative without sacrificing truth or objectivity. That, however, starts with the understanding of what terrorism is and what it is not! Even at that they will have to abide by their professional ethics in their reportage in order to not only safeguard professional integrity but also to protect national security and unity.

This is for the reason that an unprofessional handling of the terrorism narrative often drives two opposing extremes: those who, on the basis of religion, simply deny the existence of terrorism in its entirety, on the one hand, and those who erroneously equate Islam with terrorism, on the other. This has severe consequences for the society in countering the threat.

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The first tendency hinders consensus in tackling terrorism in its embryonic and subsequent stages. To butters this, I once quoted Prof. Yakubu, a Muslim scholar and former Vice Chancellor of University of Abuja who told a gathering at a book launch organized by De Minaret International at Abuja in May 2012 that “the country was under attack by bad elements within the Muslim community and Muslim leaders were not doing enough to fish out the suspects.” (Daily Trust, May 7, 2012). Indeed, many Muslim leaders had criticized the designation of Boko Haram as a terrorist organization because they argue that they were Muslims.

The other extreme is equally invidious; it is divisive. The article “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story” by one David Hundeyin which went viral in the first week of October 2021, in my opinion, illustrates this tendency. As one who had published a book, entitled “Boko Haram: How Religious Intolerance threatens Nigeria,” in 2009, and reputed to be one of the first books on the subject, I was naturally intrigued. I went through Mr. Hundeyin’s article several times.

In the end I concluded that Akwa Ibom-born Mr. Hundeyin, whose real name is David Inyene-Obong Nugboyon Oluwaseun, leaned too heavily on the notion equating the Islamic religion with terrorism. His analysis provided no evidential linkage between NASCO, the manufacturers of Nigeria’s leading cornflakes brand and Boko Haram, the terrorist group which he dressed in the religious toga of jihad except reinforcing the erroneous notion that Muslims and Muslim leaders are sponsors of terrorism. I do not dispute that Boko Haram sees itself as waging a jihad, using terrorism, but donning a Muslim-owned corporate entity like NASCO such a label would require substantial proof of evidence that it indeed actually involved itself in the crime of terrorism. It should be clear that Boko Haram is NOT being fought because it claims to be a radical or extremist Islamic group or that it is an acclaimed jihadist movement, no. Boko Haram is being prosecuted because it is involved in the crime of terrorism; killings, bloody sieges against communities, kidnappings, insurgency, and many acts of terror and violence against the people! Radical movements exist in all religions, it is no crime but when they begin to resort to violence they cross into the threshold of terrorism and criminality.

Alex P. Schmid, a leading scholar on terrorism, warns the linkage between radicalization and religious extremism is tendentious. Schmid said, “While both stand at the same distance from mainstream political thinking, the first tends to be open-minded, while the second manifests a closed mind and distinct willingness to use violence against civilians.” (Schmid, 2013). Radicalism gave the blacks equal rights in the US, independence to Nigeria in 1960, ousted Apartheid in South Africa in 1990, brought about the liberation of Southern Sudan in 2011, etc. Extremism, however, fuels violent terrorism. Although a majority of such violence is religious, among the plethora of modern-day extremist groups with known terrorist track-record are: secular/political/anarchists, right-wing, left-wing, ethno-nationalists and single-issue extremists.

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For example, the Ombatse killings in Nasarawa State in which over 60 security operatives were killed in 2013 fell into one of these categories. Which category does the bandits who attack Christians and Muslims equally, and kill worshippers in churches and mosques, fall? Any reporter that cannot figure out the distinction shouldn’t report on terrorism!

Apart from understanding the subject of investigation and the pursuit of objectivity, professional integrity is also crucial in reporting terrorism. When a reporter reports on terrorism his or her motives shouldn’t be opened to questioning. Journalists are guided by the principle of telling the truth, not half-truths, but “the whole truth.” Mr. Hundeyin was on a thing when he reported that the late founder of NASCO International, Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin, was on the United Nations Security Council’s list of sanctions back in 2002 over suspicion of terrorism financing. In the research for my 2009 book, I also discovered this, but it never appeared in my book because that wasn’t “the whole truth.” The truth is that suspicion alone doesn’t constitute culpability.

Dr. Nasreddin’s plight came in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorism bombing of the World Trade Centre twin towers and the Pentagon. As in all panicky situations, both the USA and the UNSC, without resort to the legal principle of presumption of innocence, embarked on sanctions against some suspected individuals and corporate entities. One of such entities was Bank Al Taqwa owned by Youssef Nada, and a bank in which Dr. Nasreddin was a director. Although NASCO International was never implicated, owing to the inclusion of its founder, it was equally blacklisted and suffered some sanctions in Italy, Switzerland, Turkey Morocco, and the Bahamas. However, NASCO Group Nigeria, which operated independently was never closed down aside the proceedings in a Nigerian high court referenced by the author. In 2008, however, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) determined that the UNSC blacklist was arbitrary and a violation of human rights.

Meanwhile, after a thorough investigation by the UN Al Qaeda and Taliban Committee between late 2007 and early 2008, on January 17, 2008, the UN Security Council fully exonerated Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin and NASCO International of involvement in terrorism financing, vide UNSC Resolution S/2008/25. This is the whole truth regarding Hundeyin’s story “Cornflakes for Jihad”. So why did the journalist choose to omit this vital information from his report? Did he have a hidden agenda then? Why did he prefer to run with the half-truth than “the whole truth”?

Furthermore, when reporting “the whole truth,” many trained, as opposed to social media emergency reporters, are adept to the principles and practice of restraint and responsibility. My professor illustrated this point with the allegory of “fire in the crowded cinema hall.” If you notice an outbreak of fire at the back of the crowded hall, will you scream “Fire!” knowing very well that many people will die or be injured in the ensuing stampede? I don’t know what training in journalism or public relations the police Public Relations Officer in Jos, Plateau State had received, but I knew he was untrained and unfit for the office when at the unfortunate killing of 22 travelers from Bauchi en route Ondo State, in Jos, on August 14, 2021, he went on air to announce that “Muslim travelers were killed by Christian Irigwe youths.” The reaction to the announcement was predictable, Jos went up in flames!

From the outbreak of violence on the August 14 and August 25, when “unknown gunmen” killers invaded a community in the vicinity in Jos killing 38 people, till the end of September 2021 that normalcy gradually returned, the peace in Jos was quite fragile indeed, with the University of Jos and several businesses under lock. It was under these circumstances, that on October 3, 2021, Mr. Hundeyin released his bombshell, guaranteed to set NASCO on fire and rekindle another bloodbath of religious clashes in the city. For what purpose?

Half-truths packaged in incendiary language targeting the largest employer of labour in tensed Jos! Did the author ever consider what the people had just passed through? Did he exercise restraint and responsibility in consideration of the interests of the inhabitants, the returning students, economic activities, and growth of the state in particular and national security and unity in general?

The religious sentiment beclouding terrorism reportage could of itself turn into a weapon of violence. But for the general caution of the public, the aforesaid article would have plunged Jos city into another orgy of violence, while the author is ensconced in the comfort of his self-styled exile somewhere abroad.

Both Christians and Muslims are victims of terrorism. Terrorists spare no one. That is why both Muslim and Christians have called on the Federal Government to declare the bandits, killers and kidnappers in the North West and Middle Belt as terrorists because of the mayhem they have unleashed on the people not because of their religion.

About the author:
Ishaku is a journalist and writer. He is also Member of the Editorial Advisory Board, The Independent Newspaper.

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Opinion

History Matters:Development Should Not Be Rebranded-Tijjani Sarki

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Kano Map

 

 

Tijjani Sarki

I have always believed that governments should be applauded for genuine achievements. But I am equally convinced that no administration earns public trust by taking credit for projects it did not initiate.

The historical record on the Kano Northern Bypass and the Bagwai (Watari) Irrigation Scheme is clear. The Northern Bypass was initiated in 2007 under President Olusegun Obasanjo, while the Bagwai Irrigation Scheme has existed for decades as part of the Kano River irrigation programme. If the Tinubu administration has accelerated work on the bypass, it deserves commendation. However, advancing an inherited project is not the same as conceiving it.

I was particularly amazed by a recent post from a political aide to the President, which portrayed the Kano Northern Bypass and the Bagwai Irrigation Scheme as achievements of the Tinubu administration without clearly distinguishing between inherited projects and the administration’s specific interventions. My brother, what the people of Kano expect from you is not the rebranding of long-standing projects, but your influence in attracting new, tangible federal projects to our state. That, more than anything else, would be a legacy worthy of recognition.

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I am often skeptical whenever political communication attempts to replace facts with convenient narratives. Governments earn greater credibility when they acknowledge the foundations laid by their predecessors while demonstrating the value they have added.

To be fair, the Renewed Hope Housing Programme deserves recognition. However, many working Nigerians and low-income families, the overwhelming majority of our population, still question whether such houses are genuinely within their reach.

As a Kano indigene, my greater concern is not who claims inherited projects but what our numerous presidential appointees are attracting to the state. Kano is proud of their appointments, yet their developmental footprint remains far less visible than many expected.

Rather than engaging in avoidable historical revision, I expect our presidential appointees, individually or collectively, to leverage their positions to attract fresh federal investments in irrigation, water resources, healthcare, education, roads, power, agriculture, and industrial development. Kano needs new projects that address its pressing developmental challenges, not borrowed glory wrapped in political narratives.

History remembers those who create lasting legacies, not those who merely claim inherited ones.

Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst
From the Ancient City of Kano
17th July,2026

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Opinion

Christian Genocide Debate in Nigeria: Examining the Facts, Statistics, and Different Perspectives.

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By Ayoola Esther Ifeoluwa

Introduction

Few security issues in Nigeria generate as much debate as claims that Christians are facing genocide. International politicians, religious organizations, journalists, and scholars have expressed different opinions. Understanding this issue requires examining the available statistics alongside the broader context of Nigeria’s security challenges.

Arguments Supporting the Genocide Claim

The Sun Nigeria reports that several Christian organizations argue that many attacks deliberately target Christian villages, churches, and clergy. They point to repeated attacks in Benue, Plateau, Kaduna, and Borno, where churches have been destroyed and worshippers killed. Some advocacy groups estimate that tens of thousands of Christians have died since 2009 and describe the violence as systematic persecution.

Arguments Against the Genocide Label

Other researchers disagree with using the term genocide. Data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) indicate that although Christians have suffered serious attacks, Muslims have also been victims of terrorism, banditry, and communal violence. Many experts therefore describe Nigeria’s insecurity as a combination of terrorism, farmer-herder conflict, organized crime, weak governance, and competition over natural resources rather than a coordinated campaign to eliminate Christians nationwide.

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Key Statistics

According to ACLED, more than 20,400 civilians were killed in nearly 12,000 attacks across Nigeria between January 2020 and September 2025.

According to ThisDay, various organisations have reported that many Christians have been killed or kidnapped in recent years, although exact figures remain disputed.

Recent Reuters reports indicate that violence has continued in Benue and Plateau States, resulting in repeated loss of lives, displacement, and destruction of property. In Plateau State, attacks in communities such as Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Mangu, Jos North, and surrounding areas have claimed many lives. In Benue State, attacks have also been reported in Katsina-Ala, Kwande, Agatu, and Otukpo, while security agencies have intensified patrols following the killing of the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) State Chairman. These incidents highlight the continuing humanitarian and security challenges facing both states.

A Balanced View

Evidence suggests that some attacks have clear religious dimensions, particularly those carried out by extremist groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP. In other cases, especially farmer-herder conflicts, religious identity overlaps with ethnic and economic disputes, making it difficult to attribute every incident solely to religion.

Overall, the available evidence suggests that Christians have experienced serious persecution and violence in several regions of Nigeria. However, legal experts remain divided on whether the situation satisfies the international legal definition of genocide.

Conclusion

The debate over Christian genocide in Nigeria is unlikely to end soon because of the different interpretations of the evidence. What is beyond dispute is that thousands of Nigerians, both Christians and Muslims, have lost their lives due to insecurity. The priority should be to strengthen security, prosecute perpetrators, support victims, and address the root causes of violence, including poverty, weak institutions, environmental pressures, and political failures.

Sources
Reuters
ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project)
ThisDay
The Sun Nigeria

By Ayoola Esther Ifeoluwa
200 Level Student
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
University of Abuja.

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Opinion

Who Will Save Nigerians When Our Doctors Keep Leaving?-Akor philomena

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By Akor philomena omaufedo-ojo,

A mother rushes her feverish child into a government hospital in the early hours of the morning, hoping to be among the first patients attended to that day. Hours later, the waiting room is still packed. The only doctor on duty moves from one patient to another without a moment’s rest, while anxious families continue to wait. For many Nigerians, this is no longer imagination. It is becoming reality. As thousands of doctors leave the country every year in search of better opportunities abroad, the burden falls on the few who remain, while ordinary Nigerians pay the ultimate price.

Nigeria’s healthcare system is under immense strain. With only about 55,000 practising doctors serving a population of more than 220 million people, the country has an estimated doctor-to-population ratio of 1:4,000. In some states, where doctors are even fewer, the ratio is estimated to range between 1:5,000 and 1:9,000. This falls far below the globally recommended benchmark of one doctor to about 600 people, highlighting the severity of the crisis.

The growing shortage of doctors did not happen overnight. For years, Nigerian healthcare professionals have continued to migrate to countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and Saudi Arabia in search of better salaries, safer working conditions, modern medical facilities and greater opportunities for career development. Poor funding of the health sector, insecurity, and inadequate welfare packages have further accelerated this exodus.

What makes this crisis particularly alarming is that it extends beyond the healthcare sector. A nation without enough doctors can not build a productive workforce or achieve sustainable development. When citizens are unable to access timely medical care, preventable illnesses become life-threatening, workers spend more days away from their jobs, businesses suffer reduced productivity, and the country’s economy bears the burden.

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The consequences are borne not only by doctors but by millions of Nigerians. Patients spend long hours waiting for medical attention, emergency cases face dangerous delays, rural communities are left with little or no access to qualified doctors, and the few healthcare professionals who remain are forced to work under immense pressure. In many hospitals, exhaustion has become part of the job, increasing the risk of burnout,medical errors, and avoidable deaths.

The irony is difficult to ignore. Nigeria invests heavily in training medical doctors through public universities and teaching hospitals, yet many of these professionals eventually use their skills to strengthen the healthcare systems of other countries. While destination countries benefit from Nigeria’s investment in human capital, the communities that helped educate these doctors are left struggling with overcrowded hospitals, understaffed clinics, and inadequate medical care.

Medical experts have repeatedly warned that Nigeria can not continue on this path. The President of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Prof. Afekhide Ernest Omoti has stressed the need for improved welfare, better hospital facilities, and stronger policies to retain healthcare workers. Similarly, the World Health Organization (WHO) has emphasized that an adequate, well-trained, and motivated health workforce is essential for achieving universal health coverage and improving public health outcomes.

Reversing the trend requires more than appeals to patriotism. Government at all levels must invest in modern hospitals, review the remuneration of healthcare workers, expand medical schools and residency training programmes, improve security, and create incentives that encourage doctors to remain in the country. Equally important is ensuring that rural communities receive their fair share of healthcare personnel through targeted incentive schemes and better infrastructure.
Some argue that restricting doctors from leaving the country would solve the crisis. However, migration itself is not the real problem; the conditions that push healthcare professionals away are. Every Nigerian has the right to seek better opportunities, but no nation should make staying behind feel like a sacrifice. Rather than blaming doctors for leaving, policymakers must create an environment where choosing to remain in Nigeria is both professionally rewarding and personally fulfilling.

Nigeria’s healthcare manpower crisis is no longer just a concern for medical professionals. It is a national emergency that affects every citizen. With only about 55,000 practising doctors serving a population of more than 220 million people, the country continues to face an alarming doctor-to-population ratio of approximately 1:4,000, while some regions experience ratios as high as 1:9,000. This falls far below the globally recommended benchmark of one doctor to about 600 people and the World Health Organization’s recommended minimum health workforce density for achieving universal health coverage. Behind every statistic is a human life, a child waiting for treatment, a mother hoping for a safe delivery, an accident victim racing against time,or an elderly patient seeking relief from illness. If urgent and sustained action is not taken, the question may no longer be why doctors are leaving Nigeria, but who will be left to save lives?

Akor philomena omaufedo-ojo, a 200 level student of the Department of Development and Strategic Communication.

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