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North, Shiites and Quest for Tolerance

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By Adamu Tilde

Today in northern Nigeria, we live in critically challenging times, with our cultural harmony rapidly disappearing and our political unity fast disintegrating, leaving social and political vacuums that are now hotly contested by two mutually-rejecting, nihilistic tendencies, each equally vicious and destructive. One does not require a Mensa IQ to conclude that our society is dangerously tethering on the edge of the precipice, heading inexorably towards a disaster. Our culture, our history, and our civilization are under threat. The way we handle those existential challenges today determines how posterity will treat us tomorrow.

This piece is conceived in fear and borne out of desperation. Fear over the north’s steady descent into sectarian abyss, and the desperation to arrest this slide before it is too late, before we are all consumed by it. Therefore, in diagnosing our problems and proffering solutions, I do not intend to surrender ourselves to the self-imposed tyranny of political correctness that often characterize discussions such as this.

The recent sectarian mob violence targeted against the northern Shia minority should enrage any believer in justice and freedom. That appalling display of lawlessness and barbarism must be unreservedly condemned by everyone. It is bereft of any legal, moral or social justification. Those angry mobs who cheerfully lynched their fellow citizens and torched and looted their properties have desecrated the very religion (or values) they are claiming to protect, and the clerics who silently or loudly abetted such travesty have betrayed their calling as men of peace.

It is beyond the scope of this piece to trace the historical root of the Sunni-Shia antagonism in Nigeria, but the Shia-military clashes of 2014 that led to the death of Zakzaky’s three children is a watershed in the timelines of events that led us to where we are today. That tragic encounter set the stage for a more tragic one the year after, that saw hundreds of Nigerians perished and billions worth of properties damaged, further deteriorating the already fragile sectarian stability and bringing our peoples closer to sectarian civil war.

I do not intend to make light of the Shiites crimes and transgressions, both real and imagined. Granted therefore, that the Shiites stand guilty of sectarian incitement, provocation, road blockage and wanton disregard for law and order, but no Nigerian sect or party can claim innocence on all those charges, and under our laws and norms, none of those crimes carries the price of a death penalty. Human life, according to all secular and religious conventions, is sacred, and no one has the right to take any life without recourse to law, to judicial due process, except in cases of obvious self-defense. But in Nigeria, putting the sacred tag on each soul does not prevent the next Shiites from being lynched in our streets, or the next petty thief from being lynched in our markets. Extrajudicial killings have become a Nigerian hobby and our failure to do anything qualifies as acquiescence, as an indictment on our collective humanity and pretend religiosity.

More disheartening however, is the tendency of Nigerians to view crimes through partisan and sectarian prisms. The Shia clashes of 2014 and 2015 are two cases in points. Our partisan social media commentators found it politic to describe the tragic Shia clashes of 2014 as a Jonathanian massacre of defenseless Shiites by the genocidal Jonathanian army, but the more tragic one of 2015 as a Shia provocation against the almighty Nigerian army. To them, justice and fairness is directly proportional to the prevailing political reality and not facts on ground. And therefore, those who condemned the tragedy of 2014 become the staunch legitimizers of the travesty of 2015. Nothing can be more absurd!

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If the political partisans are guilty of reducing human life to a political commodity based on defined exigencies, the sectarian partisans are even worse, for they not only legitimize the violence against the Shia minority, they also equate every sympathy for the victims and any criticism against the perpetrators to a sin resembling apostasy. In doing that, they succeed in silencing every dissenting voice for justice and fairness and provide a veneer of popular support to their acts of treacherous inhumanity. Many have tried to strike a balance between condemning the Shiites and the actions of the military by drawing an imaginary ethical equivalence between alleged lawbreakers (the Shiites) and constitutionally mandated law-enforcers (the security agencies). But there is no moral equivalence nor ethical symmetry. There is only one denominator here, which is that of Nigerian lives being wantonly wasted without any recourse to judicial process or rule of law, and that a sizeable majority of Nigerians are either happy or indifferent. And the fact that such violence finds support among educated northerners speak volumes about our appalling bigotry and intolerance.

This culture of hate, intolerance and inter-sectarian suspicions bodes ill for interfaith and intrafaith relationships. As Sunnis, our children are taught to hate the Shiite-other, and Shiites are taught to hate the Sunni-other. Those indoctrinations subliminally paint the other as violent, conspiratorial and demagogic, and therefore incapable of peaceful coexistence and undeserving of our respect, tolerance and understanding. By doing this, we forget or negate one of the basic principles of our own faith where diversity is seeing as a manifest of a divine design and guidance as a function of divine will.

The Shiites, like every other religious sect, have their peculiar problems and shortcomings. Their contempt for secular authorities and open disregard for law and order are affronts to their constitutional obligations and to the fundamental rights of other citizens. However, to shun all other sides and tell the world that the Shiites are the most violent and intolerant speaks well of our ideological hypocrisy. Because, statistics have shown that violence against the Shiites are more than those perpetrated by the sect. But because of our inherent bias, there is the tendency to underreport violence against them and amplify those perpetrated by their adherents, and thereby exaggerating their villainy and watering down the facts of Shia victimhood.

It is easy to condemn the Shiites as being misguided, forgetting that religious text and injunctions are subject to interpretation. The solution therefore, lies in scholarly discourse and not scholarly scorn because the problem is rooted in the erroneous belief that it is only our interpretation that is correct and legitimate, foreclosing the chance of further dialogue.

We can achieve this by practicing our religions with “… Lakum dinukum wa liya deen: To you your way, and to me mine” on our mind, by believing in what we believe without calling each other names and declaring each other heretics/apostates or wanting them dead, by living in peace, harmony and understanding with one another, through mutual respect, and without belittling each other’s belief system.

We should let our education and training not only reflect our social media profiles and professional citations, but also reflect our character and behavior. Because, education is meant to free us from our own prejudices, from our own insanities. Education should not only make us employable and rich, education should make us a better, loving, and peaceful people. Education should help us embrace and respect all humans regardless of race, ethnicity, ideology or religion; we should work towards making the world a better place, not ruining it by our actions and inactions.

Therefore, we must all rise up against this sectarian challenge. We must dismantle all barriers to dialogue and eliminate all those factors that promote sectarian tension and radicalization, especially for our youth. De-radicalization, like charity, must begin at home, with the very clerics whom their respective sectarian adherents look up to for guidance and inspiration. With dissension and rebellion being part of the Shia DNA throughout its troubled history, the IMN, as the largest representative of Nigerian Shiites must re-evolve itself and commit to conducting its activities in a legally responsible and socially constructive manner.

Above all, government should be concerned about the types of ideologies openly preached. We must strike a balance between fundamental human rights and collective national interests, by working towards entrenching justice and respecting and protecting the fundamental human rights of all Nigerians, irrespective of the God they worship or ideology they profess, in a way that does not harm the collective peace and stability of our people. Unless we achieve this, Northern Nigeria will be on the path to sectarian chaos, the path of Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. Through education and dialogue, agreeing with Nelson Mandela, we can be able to achieve that peaceful, accommodating, developing, flourishing and promising [Northern] Nigeria. Like minds, let us embark on this mission in every possible way we can. It will take a long time to complete, but let us remember Lao Tzu’s epic one-liner: a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step.

First published October 2016.

– Adamu Tilde can be reached at adamtilde@gmail.com

Opinion

When Power Meets Purpose: Why Abba Kabir Yusuf’s APC Move Is Kano’s Necessary Turn

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By Abdulkadir Ahmed Ibrahim (Kwakwatawa), FNGE.

In politics, moments arise when loyalty to a platform must give way to loyalty to the people. There are seasons when courage is not found in standing still, but in moving forward with clarity of purpose. Kano State stands at such a moment. The planned defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress is not an act of betrayal. It is a call to responsibility, a deliberate choice shaped by necessity, foresight, and the overriding interest of Kano and its people.

Perhaps power, when isolated, grows weak. Governance, when detached from the centre, struggles to deliver. Since the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as governor, Kano has found itself standing alone in the national space. Federal presence is thin, strategic attention limited. The state that once sat confidently at the table of national influence now watches key decisions pass by without its voice fully heard. This isolation is not a reflection of the governor’s intent or capacity; it is the reality of operating outside the ruling structure in a political environment where access often determines outcomes.

It is common knowledge that governors do not govern in a vacuum. Roads, security, education, health, and economic revival depend on cooperation between state and federal authorities. When that bridge is weak, the people bear the cost. Kano today needs bridges, not walls. It needs inclusion, not distance. It needs a seat where decisions are shaped, not a gallery where outcomes are merely observed.

The internal tension surrounding the emirate question has further deepened uncertainty. While history and tradition demand respect, governance demands stability. Prolonged disputes distract leadership, unsettle investors, and weigh heavily on public confidence. At such a time, a governor requires strong institutional backing and political leverage to navigate sensitive reforms with balance and authority. Standing alone makes that task far more difficult than it ought to be.

More troubling is the visible absence of federal projects and partnerships. In a country where development is often driven by political proximity, Kano cannot afford to remain on the margins. A state of its stature, population, and historical relevance deserves more than sympathetic silence. It deserves action, presence, and partnership.

It is within this context that Abba Kabir Yusuf’s movement toward the APC must be understood. Not as personal ambition, but as strategic realism. Not as political convenience, but as a pathway to unlock opportunities long denied by distance from power.

By extension, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso stands at a defining crossroads. History has placed him in a rare position. He is respected across party lines, commands a loyal following, and remains one of the most influential political figures in Northern Nigeria. Above all, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu holds him in high regard. They share a common political generation, having both served as governors in 1999, shaped by the same democratic rebirth and seasoned by time and experience.

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In addition, one can recall that both Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Bola Tinubu were at the National Assembly under the platform of the now defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP, during the short-lived 3rd Republic. The former was the Deputy Speaker at the House of Representatives while the latter was a Senator together with Late Senator Engineer Magaji Abdullahi who was also elected under the same SDP ticket.

Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi a former Deputy Governor of Kano State (2003 to 2007) and also a former Chief Executive of the State owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency, WRECA, in the 1980s was a benefactor of Engineers Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Abba Kabir Yusuf were they first met as members of staff.

The late successful Kano technocrat, accomplished engineer, career civil servant charismatic and vibrant national politician was a close ally and associate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu starting from the SDP days and the duo was some of the foundation members of the APC.

The President’s repeated extension of an olive branch to Kwankwaso is therefore not accidental. These gestures are acknowledgements of value, respect, and shared history. They signal recognition of Kwankwaso’s political weight and his capacity to contribute meaningfully at the national level. When such calls come consistently, wisdom suggests they should not be ignored. Kwankwaso should heed the call by moving along with the political direction of Kano State.

The truth is unavoidable. The political home Kwankwaso once built no longer offers the shelter it promised. The NNPP is enmeshed in internal crises that threaten its very identity. Court cases over party ownership and recognition pose serious risks. With the Independent National Electoral Commission recognising one faction amid raging disputes, the platform has become unstable ground for any serious electoral ambition. Under these circumstances, entering the 2027 race either with Abba Kabir Yusuf seeking re election on the NNPP platform or Kwankwaso pursuing a presidential ambition would amount to gambling against history and reason.

The alternatives are no better. The Peoples Democratic Party is fractured, weakened by internal contradictions and persistent leadership disputes. Its once formidable structure now struggles to inspire confidence. The African Democratic Congress, on the other hand, is ideologically and historically uncomfortable for Kwankwaso. Many of its leading figures were once his fiercest rivals. They resisted him in the PDP and are unlikely to allow him meaningful influence now. Political memory is long, and grudges rarely dissolve.

Beyond current realities lies a deeper lesson from history. Regional parties, no matter how passionate or popular within their strongholds, have rarely succeeded on the national stage. From the First Republic to the Fourth, the pattern remains consistent. Nigeria rewards broad coalitions, not narrow bases. Power flows where diversity converges.

The APC today represents that convergence. It is not perfect, but it is expansive. It is national in outlook, broad in structure, and firmly in control of the federal machinery. For Kano, aligning with the APC is not surrender. It is strategy. It is an investment in relevance, access, and development.

For Abba Kabir Yusuf, the move is about delivering tangible dividends of democracy. For Kwankwaso, it is about securing a future that reflects his stature and experience. Loyalty, in its truest sense, is not blind attachment to a platform. It is fidelity to the welfare of followers, to the aspirations of a people, and to the demands of the moment.

Politics is not static. It is a living conversation between ideals and realities. When realities change, wisdom adapts. Kano’s future demands bold choices, not sentimental delays. The music is louder now. The moment is clearer. The door is open.

History favours those who recognise when to move. For Abba Kabir Yusuf and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the path toward the APC is not a retreat from principle. It is a step toward purpose. They should go back to where they rightly belong. And for Kano, it may well be the bridge back to the centre, where its voice belongs and its destiny can be fully pursued.

Abdulkadir, a Fellow of Nigerian Guild of Editors, former National Vice President of the NUJ, Veteran Journalist, was the Press Secretary of the former Deputy Governor Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi.

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Opinion

Legislative Brilliance : DSP Barau Lights Up Al-Hikmah University

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By Abba Anwar

The management of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara state, shopped for an individual politician, whose intervention cuts across all sections of the country, with vigor, informed scholarship, skilful understanding of democracy and a patriotic contributor for national development. In their search, they stop on the table of the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, as they invited him to deliver the Convocation Lecture during the 15th Convocation Ceremony of the University, Wednesday.

Looking at the title of the lecture, “Managing Executive–Legislature Relations towards Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic,” it is glaring that, only informed political leaders, with the needed exposure, could add value to the discussion. Not vague and fairy tales tellers.

Amidst scholars, democrats and activists, Senator Barau explores legislative expertise and scholarly advancement of discussion about genuine democracy around national development. A position that underscores the imperative of harmonious executive-legislative relations for Nigeria’s democratic consolidation.

While the lecture did not focus “… on the evolving relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999,” only, the lecture positions the DSP as a scholarly voice of governance.

Being a member of the House of Representatives in 1999 and now a Senator, Deputy Senate President, to be precise, and looking beyond his state or any micro political entity, he believes, profoundly that, the executive and the legislature must work together to address the challenges plaguing the nation.

As he delved into figurative identification of the productive and close nexus relationship that exists between the National Assembly and the executive arm under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, he enunciated that, only collaborative effort, amongst the two arms, could save the country. Hence, in his own terms, both executive and legislature are unarguably on the same page, of making Nigeria great again.

Apart from his scholarly discussion on the theme, his interventions in the education sector, back home in Kano and the nation in general, informed all decisions across the academic environment, there, and students’ bodies, to present to him Awards of Excellence. To officially recognize him as an icon for the development of the education sector in the land.

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They all appreciated his contributions to students through scholarships scheme, for studies in different fields of study. Both within and outside the country. As thousands get access to his scheme. He was identified as one of the leading national politicians whose contributions to education are immensely spotted and glaring. Some defined him as a National Messiah for Education.

Many Professors and academics, who attended the lecture, described him as a scholar in his own right. Whose arguments in the paper he presented, showcase how deeply rooted he is in the art of governance, legislation and engaging democratic activism.

The Deputy Senate President believes that, “A consolidated democracy is one in which political actors, institutions, and citizens internalise democratic norms, and where the probability of democratic breakdown becomes remote.”

He got standing ovation when he paraphrased, Diamond’s (1999) argument that, “In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, democratic consolidation extends beyond the regular conduct of elections. It encompasses adherence to constitutionalism, respect for separation of powers, accountability, rule of law, and effective inter-institutional collaboration.

The Executive-Legislature relationship therefore constitutes a critical arena in which democratic values are either strengthened or undermined.”

DSP’s deeper knowledge of national democratic structure and his patriotic engagement for national cohesion and adherence to global experience, came on board when he posits that, “Early years of the Fourth Republic were marked by frequent conflicts over leadership of the National Assembly, budgetary processes, impeachment threats, and oversight functions which constitute impediments towards democratic consolidation after prolonged military rule.”

All the bottlenecks in his classical analysis stem from “Executive dominance inherited from prolonged military rule, weak institutional capacity within the Legislature, partisan competition overriding constitutional responsibility and
personalisation of power rather than institutional governance.”

Distinguished Senator Barau’s Al-Hikmah University’s presentation of Convocation Lecture, pushed many to accept the fact and the obvious that, he is indispensably a rare gem in legislative environment and a political stretcher in the national scheme of things. A national figure with global outreach. A gentleman with informed mind, capable hands and coordinated brain. Whose silence and humility are not defeatist, but calculative strategy.

One of the things that you cannot take away from him is, he is a political figure with thoughtful approach to politics.

In his elderly advice to the graduands he said, “As graduands of Al-Hikma University step into society, I urge you to uphold democratic values, demand accountable governance, and contribute intellectually and ethically to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Democracy is not sustained by institutions alone, but by enlightened citizens and principled leaders.”

The concluding part of his paper, speaks volume about his unwavering belief in democratic process, patriotic leadership style and informed understanding of national politics devoid of ethnic chauvinism. Hear the gentleman, ” Distinguished audience, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has endured longer than any previous democratic experiment in our history.

This endurance, however, must be matched with qualitative democratic deepening. Managing Executive–Legislature relations with wisdom, restraint, and constitutional fidelity is central to this task.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Thursday, 8th January, 2026

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Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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