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The VAT Struggle : Lessons for the North

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4 years ago

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By: Sani Danaudi Mohammed

The current VAT struggle between the Federal Government and two states in the South, Rivers and Lagos, is sending strong signals to the slumbering North. Obviously, they, the northern states, have abandoned the agriculture sector which could put the region on a global radar as a formidable exporter of cash crops to the international community. At the state level, the North is unfortunate to find itself under different clueless regimes. The governors’ overdependence on the federal allocations has finally forced the region to its knees, begging for alms to survive. It is incontestable that most states in the northern region would be completely on their knees should Rivers and Lagos States succeed in accomplishing their noble dream of becoming revenue collectors.

The term ‘VAT’, Value Added Tax, is a consumption tax that is being exploited by many developed and developing countries to great advantage. In any clime where consumption is key, VAT cannot be evaded. The truth of the matter is that the economic development and growth of any nation depends on its government’s ability to generate adequate revenue in order to effectively provide various infrastructural facilities and amenities to meet the growing needs of its population. Success in meeting its population’s needs enables a nation to maintain its pride of place among the global comity of nations. Proceeds from VAT have brought about wonders of socio-economic progress and infrastructure development in America, United Kingdom and France, to mention but a few.

Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, the Rivers State governor, is currently taking the bull by the horn. A trained lawyer cum economist and former Minister of Education, the iconoclastic Wike, by his resilient stance on making VAT count in Rivers State, seems to have jarred some of his counterparts in other Nigerian states from sleep. And such stance has the potential of phasing out unproductivity on the part of many state governors who contribute little or nothing to the federation account. It is also capable of discouraging mediocre individuals with knowledge deficit on how economy works from contesting political leadership positions like governorship. With the development in Rivers, the installation of VAT will increase the blessings already existence in the oil-rich state. but Rivers State is not alone in this radical but promising move. The Lagos State governor, Babajide Samwo-Olu, has followed suit with the signing, into the law, a bill that will empower the State of Excellency to collect its VAT. This move will, no doubt, justify the sustained clamour for the replacement of economically tactless state gobernors with enterprising and visionary ones who have the will to generate productive ideas as well as translate such to resources for the overall good and interest of their people. Leadership, it must be stressed, is not a walk in the park. It entails responsibility. And to be responsible, a leader must be constructively creative.

In Nigeria, tax collection has become practically impossible, given the uninspiring reality that both the tax collectors and the tax payers share different sentiments in relation to VAT. The current global oil glut has adversely affected the revenue generation status of Nigeria. The over 60% drop in oil price to less than $40 per barrel was unanticipated by President Buhari-led government. And this has resulted in over 80% fall in the yield (spread) per barrel of oil produced in Nigeria. This markedly steep decline in the country’s revenue accounted for the 2016 budget deficit of over N2trillion, An untoward development like this has precipitated the continuous devaluation of the Naira, while the Gross Domestic Product( GDP) growth is slow, inflow of foreign direct investment has been cut down, bringing about rising inflation and growing unemployment.

The FG has put a stop on capital projects while allocation to the states of the federation has reduced. This has resulted in the inability of many state governments in the nation to honour the social contract (between them and the populace) which constrains their provision of necessary infrastructural facilities and pay workers’ salaries ranging as and when due. It is, therefore, very clear that there is the need to diversify the revenue base of the nation, and VAT is the panacea. As a major revenue source of advanced nations of the world, VAT is not well exploited to great advantage the Nigerian government.

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Section 46 of the VAT Act introduces new definitions for animal feed and commercial aircraft spare parts and components. The definition of goods and services has been reviewed, as animal feed now refers to any raw, semi-processed or processed product which is fed to domesticated and other animals raised and slaughtered for human consumption as beef, goat, lamb, pork, chicken, fish and other kinds of meat. Such feed is also given to animals cultivated and raised for the production of milk or eggs as well as other sources of protein and nutrients useful to humans. Commercial aircraft spare parts and components, according the review, now refer to engines, propellers, radio apparatus, instruments, appliances, furnishing, parts of any of the foregoing, and generally any other article of whatever description maintained for installation in a commercial aircraft in substitution for parts or articles removed. All forms of tangible properties, movable or immovable, but which do not include land and building, money or securities.

Our northern governors must begin to see government and governance beyond addressing gatherings and making public speeches, Political leaders in Nigeria have, for decades, been riding on the coat tails of family privileges to acquire wealth by faulting, on many occasions, our Constitution. It is obvious that politics in Nigeria is now becoming a business of the weak-minded individuals who lack the vision to see beyond their noses to create ideas and innovations to generate income for infrastructure developments and create jobs. We all witnessed the plight of states’ legislations across the country, which mandates payment of huge amount of money to former governors and their deputies to the detriment of the electorate.

Since there is pegged monthly allocation coming from the federal purse which is not determined by the amount contributed by the federation states, many governors are more than lazy in contributing to the pool of fund expected to be shared at the month end. But they are quick to claim glory for voting figures during general elections. Indeed, it high time every state government learnt to steer its population towards contributing resources for the development of the state. We read from our archives about how the late Premier of the defunct Northern Region, Sardauna of Sokoto and his counterpart in the Western Region, the late Obafemi Awolowo exploited this capability to great advantage in building very solid economic and educational structures which still remain the pride of the country.

The founding fathers of Nigeria were never this lazy. While Nigeria operated regional system of government, it became healthy competition among regional leaders, striving for development of their respective regions and people. While multiple streams of income generation were initiated, no one went to bed and wait for monthly allocations as the case is now. On a personal note, I see Wike and Nasir El-Rufai as the most radical political leaders in this country. The late Maitama Sule (Dan Masanin Kano) described such breed of politicians as responsible rascals because they are exactly the crop of leaders Nigeria needs now. They have been courageous to speak and implement policies and programmes which they consider right for their states and people, no matter whom their decisions may hurt.

On arriving Kaduna from Abuja on Saturday for a function, I, while passing through the busy Mando express way, saw young men. They were well dressed in uniform. And I kept wondering whether or not they were security agencies. Little did I realize that they were officers of Kaduna State Transport and Environmental Law Enforcement Agency (KASTELEA). This is one of the sundry initiatives boldly taken by Kaduna State to take the youths off the street. The major bye-product of this radical move is the emergence of a new Kaduna State under El-Rufai’s watch. It is true that Wike and El-Rufai are pacesetters while others follow. This is because they have set standards in terms of revenue generation. The cities of Kaduna and Port Harcourt currently wear a new look, as flyovers are beautifully scattered all over just because these two states are able to develop capacity for finding an alternative method of revenue generation rather than rely always on the federation account.

According to the available records of internally generated revenue (IGR) in the 36 States of the Federation in the year 2020, Lagos State topped the list, followed by Rivers, Delta, Ogun and Kaduna States. These states generated more than what other 31 states generated as IGR combined, which is why other states are financially dependent on the federation account where they account for 50% , 35% to local governments while the Federal Government is left with only 15% of the generated revenue.

In conclusion, it is evident that, should the governors of Rivers and Lagos States succeed in their plight then, like Governor Inuwa Yahaya of Gombe State said, many states will collapse. It is not time for begging for alms but this is critical time for the northern states that are left behind to begin to think about the constructive ways to improve on their internally generated revenue. Otherwise, the sinking ship will spare no one. Though, the Appellate Court has ordered for the stay of execution of the earlier judgment secured by the Governors of Rivers and Lagos States with respect to the signing, into law, the bill that will empower the state governments to collect VAT, the wounds are not yet healed. Anyone accusing Wike or Sanwo-Olu on this needs urgent reorientation. Otherwise, he or she can be said to share the same lazy mindset with the of the northern Political elites in question.

Sani Danaudi Mohammed
National President,
Arewa Youths Advocate for Peace and Unity Initiative, Writes from Bauchi.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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Opinion

Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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6 days ago

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December 7, 2025

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

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