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Is Jos Ever Ready For Peace?

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What do you think has been the major setback for peace efforts in Jos? Is it negligence from the governments? Or the ineffective or unsustainable strategies of the security forces on the ground? Could it be that God has forsaken the city for the crime of spilling innocent blood for decades? What have we done wrong and how can we make amends?

I think the worst thing that ever happened to Jos from September 2001 to date is the systematic and deliberate disappearance of the once cherished plural community settings into a more homogeneous cultural make-up. Even though this is a product of various influences over the historical line, the major one inarguably is the episodes of collective violence for 2-decade now in the city.

The communities in the city of “Home of Peace and Tourism”, if you’ve ever been there, are now separated based on ethno-religious identity. In instances where a particular group began to dominate another in a place, the minority will sell or evacuate and abandon their houses to move further away, just to avoid been taken by surprise during crises. Everyone is now having their schools. There are few to no Muslim students in the famous schools of St. Murumba College Jos and Demonstration School Jos. There are no longer Christian students in GSS Gangare Jos (save those who come to register and seat for WAEC). Some of the Government Secondary Schools which in the past housed students from different cultural and religious backgrounds are now left to no use or serving only the communities they’re situated in. The state authorities have (in)directly invigorate this problem: it has for long forsaken the structures;  allegedly, a Christian staff is only sent to a Muslim community as ‘punishment’ and vice versa.

Most frightened of this systematic separation of communities is anyone who deliberately, or by mistake, found themselves in a community that ‘defy’ their identity in times of unrest, might likely not make it alive. This is happening in almost all the communities in Jos. I, for instance, escaped death in 2010 when I took a passenger from Terminus Market in the heart of Jos, to Satellite Market in Rukuba Road. There wasn’t any crisis going on at the time; it was the ‘usual’ ambush on anyone who enters a territory that isn’t “theirs”. Okada/Achaba men like me and travellers who do not know the city well are the worse victims of such ambushes.

Ours isn’t like the Kaduna-Abuja highway disappearance where, if you didn’t hear from your relative again, you’ll be praying and expecting a call from his abductees. No, in Jos, Muslim or Christian, you simply spray mats and begin to welcome people as you mourn the lost person in absentia. It’s this terrible.

The actors in all this? Mostly the youth. The youths who we always sing to be the “leaders” of tomorrow. The tomorrow that’s yet to come in Nigeria.

Could one be right to ask the question of how Jos could ever find peace if this is the path it has chosen for itself?

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Despite all this sad reality, we all meet up in the marketplaces (basically the ones at the borderlines which are easy to escape should the devil blow the horn) during the day. We enter the same busses to and from Bukuru. We meet and interact in the banks. Surprisingly, our boys and girls meet up during the weekends to party. In some instances, boys take girls home for further profligacy after partying. Somehow, we all agreed to live like this. What we only do not agree with, is to sleep with our eyes closed as neighbours, devoid of any quarrel.

Posing the question of whether we truly need one another in Jos, earlier this morning, a school principal, Abubakar Nasiru made the following point on his Facebook page:

“The mai ruwa, mai nama, mai gwanjo, etc., are hawking in areas like Gada Biyu, the Jentas, Rukuba Road, Apata, Busabuji, rendering their services to those communities every day – non-Hausa, non-Muslim communities. [On the other hand] The mai doya, mai atile, mai masara, mai tumatur, etc., are carrying out their petty businesses in places like Bauchi Road, Dilimi, Gangare, Rikkos, Nassarawa, and Anguwar Rogo – Muslim communities.” These people spend a whole day in those communities and cannot hesitate, if guaranteed safety, to spend their nights there.

In 2006 when I was in SS3, my community leaders recruited able youths, including myself, as Ƴan Sintiri (watchmen), to serve under the Banga (a mispronunciation of “Vanguard”) group which has its history from the 70s and 80s. Our task then was to defend our four borders against any intruder during the night and to prevent the harassment of non-community members during the day. We worked in batches to substitute other groups. This has helped greatly and in no time, other communities adopted the strategy. This is what gave birth to today’s form VGN in most communities of Jos. (VGN has been a registered semi-official citizen policing organisation with Nigeria’s Corporate Affairs Commission since 1999 though.)

But does the VGN gave us the peace and courage to live under the same roof or as neighbours? Certainly no. The separation of communities based on ethno-religious identity would continue to be a hindrance to any peacebuilding effort in the tin city.

We cannot have peace until we tolerate each other. We cannot tolerate one another until we accept to live as neighbours, respect our identities and use the diversity as strength just as we used to be 3 – 4 decades ago; to sleep with our eyes closed without an iota of fear that my neighbour will set my house on fire.

For years now, we’ve been deceiving ourselves with so-called programmes for peace, only to gather, quench our thirst for partying and separate back into the borderlines. This too must stop.

Plateau state government must be sincere in its dealings. It must engage honest stakeholders from all communities to drive its mission of restoring peace on the Plateau. Schools must be treated equally, so much as every perpetrator must face the consequences of their actions without consideration whatsoever. There must be sincere and rigorous campaigns to rebuilding Jos to its past glories.

I do not have all the answers as how to make Jos a peacefull place that it once was, bit I know, if you as leaders cannot make ways for the people of Jos to co-exist as neighbours irrespective of ethnicity or religion, if the people aren’t ready for this, then the central state of Plateau, in general, is no doubt a failed state!

Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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Opinion

A Library in One Man: The Legacy of Dr. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa

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The Pen that Teaches, the Mind that Illuminates, and the Legacy that Endures

There are men who merely pass through time, and there are men who leave footprints upon the sands of history. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa Abubakr Al Mu’allim, widely known as Albani belongs to the latter category—a rare intellectual craftsman, an educational reformer, a prolific author, and a visionary whose works continue to illuminate minds across continents.

A son of Ilorin, Nigeria, he emerged not merely as a teacher but as a bridge between tradition and modernity, dedicating his life to making Islamic knowledge, Arabic language, and contemporary education accessible to all. His journey is a testimony that greatness is not measured by titles alone but by the number of minds enlightened and hearts guided.

A Scholar of Many Horizons

Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is a distinguished educator, researcher, writer, and author whose intellectual contributions span across: Islamic Studies, Tawheed and Aqeedah, Fiqh and Hadith, Arabic Language Education, Children’s Islamic Literature, Social Reform, Ethics and Morality, Comparative Thought, Science and Technology Education, Community Development etc. His scholarship is characterized by a rare ability to simplify complex subjects without compromising their depth, making knowledge accessible to beginners while remaining beneficial to advanced learners.

A Pen That Refused to Sleep: Ibraheem Albani Al-Mu’allim Surpasses 100 Publications

Few scholars of his generation can boast of such a vast and diverse intellectual portfolio. Through dozens of publications and educational works, he has demonstrated extraordinary versatility and academic excellence. He is a prolific author, researcher, and educator with over one hundred and ten (110) publications in Arabic and English, covering diverse fields including ʿAqeedah (Islamic Creed), Fiqh, Hadith, Qur’anic Studies, Arabic Language, Education, History, Social Issues, Public Policy, Contemporary Islamic Thought, Community Development, and Youth Empowerment.

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His books such as “Simplified Islamic Quiz 300 Islamic Questions and answers for seekers of knowledge,” “100 Questions and Answers on Tawheed,” “600 Authentic Hadiths,” “Al-Eemaan,” “Fiqh Zakah with Evidence,” “Fiqhus Salaat with Evidence,” “The Sacred Legacy of Al-Aqsa,” “Daily Prophetic Adhkar,” and numerous Arabic educational manuals have become valuable resources for students, teachers, and seekers of knowledge worldwide.

An Architect of Accessible Knowledge

What distinguishes Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the quantity of his works but their transformative vision. He possesses the rare gift of turning difficult concepts into understandable lessons and transforming academic knowledge into practical guidance. His mission has never been to fill bookshelves; it has been to fill minds. His writings embody the timeless wisdom that: “Knowledge is not what is stored in books; knowledge is what transforms lives.”

A Legacy beyond the Classroom

While many teach within four walls, Ibraheem Ladi Amosa has chosen a larger classroom—the world itself. Through books, research, educational initiatives, and digital platforms, he has extended the reach of beneficial knowledge far beyond geographical boundaries.

His contributions continue to: strengthen Islamic literacy, promote authentic tawheed, encourage critical thinking, preserve Arabic language heritage, inspire future generations of learners, and build bridges between faith and contemporary realities.

The Rare Genius of Purpose

True genius is not the accumulation of information but the ability to transform information into guidance, wisdom, and societal benefit. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa exemplifies this principle. He writes not for applause but for impact. He teaches not for recognition but for transformation. He researches not for prestige but for posterity. His life reflects the profound truth that: “A candle loses nothing by lighting a thousand others.”

A Legacy in Motion

The story of Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the story of an author. It is the story of a builder of minds. A cultivator of intellects. A reviver of beneficial knowledge. A guardian of authentic Islamic teachings. A mentor whose pen continues to speak long after the ink has dried. As generations continue to benefit from his writings and educational contributions, his legacy stands as a reminder that the greatest wealth a person can leave behind is knowledge that benefits humanity.

“When history remembers the builders of minds, the name Ibraheem Ladi Amosa (Albani) will stand among those whose pens became lanterns and whose knowledge became a lasting charity for generations yet unborn. – Markaz

Markaz Ihyahis Sunnah Waikhmadil Bid’ah

markazihyaahisunnah@gmail.com, 48, Line Chairman, Maikalwa, Naibawa Yanlemu, Kano

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Opinion

A Governor the World Applauds: The Story Behind Abba Yusuf’s Remarkable Three-Year Awards Record

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By Hafiz Garba PhD,

In the long and complicated history of Nigerian governance, awards have too often been the currency of flattery rather than the fruit of performance. They have been given to the powerful because they are powerful, to the wealthy because they are wealthy, and to the politically connected because connection is its own reward in a system where accountability is frequently optional and excellence is rarely demanded. It is against that deeply ingrained culture of performative recognition that the awards record accumulated by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State across three years in office must be understood, because what distinguishes his recognition from the routine distribution of honorary plaques that passes for institutional commendation in too many Nigerian contexts is something specific, something verifiable, and something that the evidence of his governance record makes impossible to dismiss: these awards were earned.
They were earned in classrooms across 44 local government areas where children are learning in renovated buildings for the first time in years. They were earned in hospitals where emergency response vehicles now arrive at night when they previously did not exist. They were earned on roads that connect communities that were previously isolated, in boreholes that draw clean water from ground that was previously untapped, in solar streetlights that illuminate neighbourhoods that were previously dark, and in the accounts of 6,680 women entrepreneurs who received monthly empowerment stipends that changed the material conditions of their lives and the lives of their families. The awards are not the story. They are the world’s response to the story. And the story is three years of governance that has genuinely, measurably, and consistently put the people of Kano State first.
The awards began arriving early and have not stopped. Vanguard Newspaper named Governor Yusuf its Governor of the Year 2024 for Good Governance, citing the administration’s comprehensive approach to development and its demonstrated commitment to transparency and service delivery. Leadership Newspaper, one of Nigeria’s most respected national dailies, named him Governor of the Year 2024 for Education, specifically recognising the historic declaration of a state of emergency in the education sector and the extraordinary commitment of 30 percent of the state’s annual budget, the highest education budget share of any state in Nigeria, to the transformation of a system that had been in visible decline for years. The Nigerian Medical Association presented him with the Best Governor of the Year award, citing his administration’s substantial investments in primary healthcare, hospital renovation, drug supply, and the Abba Care health insurance scheme. The Daily News Agency named him Authentic Humanitarian Governor 2024, recognising the human dimension of a governance philosophy that has consistently prioritised the welfare of the most vulnerable members of Kano’s society over every other consideration.
The Africa Housing Awards presented Governor Yusuf with the Housing and Infrastructure-Friendly Governor of the Year recognition, with organisers describing him as the people’s governor and specifically citing his commitment to inclusive housing, urban renewal, and openness to innovative construction solutions that make quality housing accessible to ordinary citizens rather than merely to the economically privileged. The CREED Magazine Governor of the Year 2025 on Infrastructure and Good Governance added continental weight to a domestic recognition record that was already remarkable, acknowledging the scope and the ambition of an infrastructure investment programme that has reshaped Kano’s physical landscape across three years with a comprehensiveness that few Nigerian state administrations have matched.
And then came Casablanca. At the 14th African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards ceremony in Morocco, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf was named African Governor of the Year for Good Governance, an honour bestowed at a gathering of distinguished African leaders, statesmen, and institutional figures, at which he was recognised alongside Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation, and other continental luminaries whose careers have shaped the governance and development landscape of Africa. The award was presented by the President of Ghana, one of West Africa’s most respected democratic leaders, in a moment that placed Kano State’s governance record on an explicitly continental platform and communicated to an international audience that what Governor Yusuf has been building in the ancient commercial city of northern Nigeria is not merely of local or national significance but of the kind of quality and consequence that the African continent recognises and celebrates.
That moment in Casablanca deserves to be understood in its full historical context. Kano State has a five-century history as one of Africa’s great commercial and intellectual centres, a history that includes its role as the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes connecting sub-Saharan Africa to the Mediterranean world, its tradition of Islamic scholarship, and its position as the commercial capital of Northern Nigeria. For its governor to be recognised as the African Governor of the Year for Good Governance at a continental awards ceremony in Morocco is, in one sense, the most modern expression of a very old truth: that Kano’s significance extends beyond Nigeria, that its leaders carry responsibilities not merely to their immediate constituents but to a broader story of northern Nigerian achievement that the continent watches and respects. Governor Yusuf’s Casablanca recognition is not an anomaly in Kano’s history. It is a continuation of it.
What makes the awards record particularly significant from a governance analysis perspective is not merely its volume but its diversity. The recognitions have come from national newspapers, medical associations, housing organisations, infrastructure monitoring bodies, and continental leadership platforms. They have been granted by institutions with different mandates, different evaluation criteria, different political affiliations, and different institutional interests. None of them had any obligation to recognise Governor Yusuf. None of them had anything to gain from doing so beyond the credibility of having identified genuine excellence when it was present. The fact that institutions as different as the Nigerian Medical Association, the Africa Housing Awards, and the African Leadership Magazine have independently arrived at the same conclusion, namely that Abba Kabir Yusuf is governing Kano State with an unusual quality and commitment, is not a coincidence. It is a convergent verdict produced by the consistent application of different assessment criteria to the same governance reality.
As Kano marks its third anniversary on May 29, 2026, those awards line the walls of achievement not as decorations but as a documented, independently verified, and institutionally diverse record of a performance that has been seen, assessed, and recognised by the world beyond Kano’s borders. They are the external confirmation of what the people inside those borders already know from their daily experience: that they have a governor who came to office with a genuine commitment to their welfare, invested in it consistently across three difficult and turbulent years, and delivered outcomes that the most demanding and the most credible evaluators in Nigeria and across Africa have found worthy of the highest recognition available to them.
The world has applauded. And Kano, on its third anniversary, has every reason to stand and join in.

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