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Opinion

Sexual Harassment in Nigeria: many sinners ,one just a Culprit

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Dr Nuraddeen Danjuma

 

 

By Dr Nuraddeen Danjuma

Sexual harassment is any unwanted behavior of a sexual nature that makes you feel offended, uncomfortable, intimidated or humiliated.

In all societies and throughout history, sexual harassment is illegal.

 

It is an unwelcoming act that has been battled with a strong legal framework. Sexual harassment in tertiary institutions is not only happening in Nigerian universities.

 

 

Morley in an article titled “sex, grades, and power in higher education in Ghana and Tanzania” found that “sex-for-grades” is the most common form of harassment students faced on campuses.

 

As reported by CNN a male member of Makerere University (oldest in Uganda) was suspended on the 17th of April, 2018 after a female student accused him of sexual harassment.

Faced with rising cases of sexual harassment in the tertiary institutions, the National Assembly introduced a bill in 2016 with a view to combating sexual harassment and upholds ethics in the nation’s universities.

 

 

The bill has been baked on July, 7th 2020, and now awaiting the assent of Mr. President.

 

 

According to Nigeria’s Senate President, the proposal is “landmark legislation”.

 

Indeed I salute the NASS and wished that the proposal is genuine. I also do hope that the 14 years jail term for teaching staff having sexual relationships with their students is not provided out of selfish and dislike for that category of workers.

 

 

Indeed the bill is biased against the lecturer because such cases are common in all sectors of the country. However, ‘gwano baya jin warin jikinsa’ (bad eggs do not smell the unpleasant ooze).

While it is clear that in the last few years more lecturers are in the ugly habit of sex for grade, Johnson in Sexual Coercion among Young People also reported that about half of women in Nigerian workplaces have at least once experienced sexual harassment at workplace.

 

 

A study by Adejuwon on Attitudes, Norms, and Experiences of Sexual Coercion among Young People showed that 15% of young females reported forced penetrative sexual experience Ibadan, Nigeria.

 

 

Why did the law target university lecturers alone?. Didn’t we know of sex for a grade in secondary schools, colleges and polytechnics?. Without prejudice, aren’t we aware of sex for juicy appointments, transfers, and promotions (civil service, politicians and uniform jobs), sex for lucrative contracts (public or private tender institutions), sex for money deposits (bankers), sex for an acting role (media), buggery, etc.

 

 

Worryingly so, The law is only interested in ‘sex for grades offenses’ while all sins are sins irrespective of who committed them. Isn’t this nepotism?.

 

According to Daniel Alarcon, “nepotism is the lowest and least imaginative form of corruption.” Surprisingly, again, there is no explicit provision in the Nigerian Labour Act 2004 that prohibits sexual harassment or any other kind of harassment in the workplace.

 

 

The closest is the Labor Standards Bill that was submitted to the National Assembly in 2008 which made provision for sexual harassment. However, that has not been passed into law.

According to ASUU President “We do not agree because the bill is biased against lecturers”.

 

He added that the Anti-Sexual harassment bill addresses only universities and gives the impression that that is where the problem is, even though it is pervasive in all sectors – police, prison, civil service, private sector, etc.

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In my opinion, Nigeria should have a law that holistically addresses sexual harassment because the following few pieces of evidence showed that the problem comparatively happened in other sectors.

 

 

The National Population Commission report of 2013 clearly showed that 23 percent of adolescent girls age 15 – 19 years became mothers or pregnant with their first child.

 

 

According to the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, there are about 2,279 sexual offenses including rape and indecent assault in 2017 in Nigeria.

 

 

In May 2018 four male secondary school students sexually assaulted some of their female peers at Falomo, Ikoyi, Lagos, here too in a secondary school to mark end-of-exams (Edeh, Institute of World Current Affairs January 24, 2018).

 

 

A survey published by NOIPolls in July 2019 suggested that up to one in every three girls living in Nigeria could have experienced at least one form of sexual assault by the time they reach 25 years.

 

The cankerworm is everywhere that even in the hospital sexual harassment is committed.

 

 

A friend conducting research on Stigma narrated an ugly story of a female HIV patient that was denied ARV drugs on the simple reason that she didn’t succumb to a pharmacist.

 

The cases below as reported by BBC on 5th June 2020 during the lockdown also buttresses my point: University student in Benin named Uwavera Omozuwa was allegedly raped and dies in a church after her head is smashed with a fire extinguisher; a 12-year-old girl is raped over two months in Jigawa State; Barakat Bello is allegedly gang-raped and murdered in south-west Oyo state; no arrest has been made; a 17-year-old girl is gang-raped in south-west Ekiti State. In an article published by Daily Trust (July 12, 2020),.

 

 

The National Population Commission warned that there is a spike in teen pregnancy in Nigeria in recent months owing to COVID 19 lockdown.

 

The NPC said there had been a noticeable increase in gender-based violence ranging from rape to physical and emotional assaults on girls, abortions, and possible early school dropouts.

 

 

Those are examples of reported cases of sexual harassment outside the universities but shockingly not trending because teachers are not involved. On Monday, July, 13th 2020 a former Acting MD of the NNDC while granting an interview on Arise TV mentioned that she slapped a serving minister over sexual harassment.

 

Nigeria requires a serious commitment to addressing this menace, not just a feeble law that is ‘a day late and a dollar short’. The law has so many flaws and indeed consists of skewed clauses that crucify university lecturers when the decay is evidently societal.

 

 

Evidently, the kangaroo-court law did not cover sexual harassment in the workplace but insisted on the universities.

 

In an interview with journalists, a figure in the NASS stated that “We have to protect our daughters from predators,” “We want our tertiary institutions to be a very safe environment for everyone, and this is legislation that will ensure that wish.

 

How female students in higher institutions suffer Sexual assault- report

As if the other category offenders are saints or the women battered in all sectors of Nigeria are dolls.

 

The law does not also do justice to both parties anyway. What the lawmakers did know or didn’t is that the plaintiffs also harass the dependents. Instead of justice for all, the feeble law provides the only suspension as punishment to students that falsely accused the lecturer of sexual misconduct.

 

 

It also stated that “any professor or teaching staff who sexually abuses student will be jailed for 14 years” as if it is a pre-designed trailed movie by an undercover reporter or a revelation. Indeed if any person is to be tailed, he/she will spill all places with water.

This is quite a good law. However, the NASS should be forward-thinking by passing ensembles of the law for all forms of sexual abuses and all manners of ‘convergence and divergence in all sectors.

 

 

Both the dependent and plaintiff should be treated equally. Criss Jami said, “when I look at a person, I see the person, not rank, not a class, not a title.” Please NASS “We are all equal in the fact that we are all different.” – C. Joybell C.

 

Nuraddeen Danjuma, PhD

Bayero University, Kano

 

Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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Opinion

From Zamfara roots to national vision: Aliyu Muhammad Adamu, seasoned media leader, returns home to serve his people.”

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Aliyu Muhammad Adamu was born on 29th December 1982 in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, into the respected Adamu Joji family.

He hails from a lineage that includes notable family members such as Alhaji Sanda Adamu Tsafe (Sarkin Yakin Tsafe), Alhaji Aliyu Adamu (Danmadami), Alhaji Sani Adamu, Hajiya Khadija Adamu (Gwoggo Dala), and Hajiya Amina, among others.

His father, Muhammad Adamu (popularly known as Nata’ala), later relocated to Kano State in pursuit of business expansion. As a result, Aliyu and his siblings were raised in Kano, where he began his early education at Da’awa Primary School, Kano.

Driven by a strong connection to his roots, Aliyu returned to Zamfara State for his secondary education, attending Unity Secondary School, Gummi. He subsequently gained admission into Bayero University, Kano (BUK), where he obtained both his Diploma and Bachelor’s Degree, graduating in 2010.

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After completing his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Aliyu faced the realities of life with resilience and determination, navigating through challenges that shaped his character and leadership capacity. In 2014, he returned to Zamfara State and began his professional career in the media industry with Gamji Television and Radio.

Through dedication, hard work, and professional excellence, he served the organization for nearly ten years, rising through the ranks to become the General Manager of the station, an achievement that underscored his leadership, administrative competence, and commitment to public communication.

In 2023, Aliyu voluntarily resigned from the media organization and relocated to Kano State in pursuit of broader opportunities and personal development. Today, driven by a renewed sense of purpose and a lifelong commitment to his people, Aliyu Muhammad Adamu is preparing to return to his hometown to seek the support and mandate of his people. His aspiration is to represent our parents, brothers, and sisters at the federal level, with a clear vision of contributing meaningfully to the development, unity, and overall progress of Zamfara State.

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Opinion

Opinion:The Anatomy Of A Hoax- Setting The Record Straight On Governor Abba Yusuf

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​By Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure

​The recent wave of political “scoops” regarding the purported defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has moved beyond mere speculation into a coordinated campaign of character assassination. Most notably, reports by Daily Nigerian claiming the Governor’s move was “postponed” are masterpieces of fiction, designed to paint a sitting Governor as indecisive and subordinate. As a witness to the political realities in Kano, I find it necessary to dismantle these fallacies with the facts that the purveyors of this rumor have conveniently ignored. In Nigerian politics, defection is a statutory process requiring a formal resignation from one’s current party. To date, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has not submitted any resignation from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). To claim that a “finalized arrangement” for a Monday registration existed is a procedural hallucination; one cannot join a new house without first stepping out of the old one.
​Furthermore, the narrative suggests the Governor’s plans were shelved because he failed to seek the “blessings” of local APC bigwigs. This is a laughable distortion of executive power. History is replete with Governors who defected based on executive conviction without the interference of local APC “big wigs.” We have seen this with the Governor of Delta vs. Senator Omo-Agege, the Governor of Bayelsa vs. David Lyon and Minister Heineken Lokpobiri, the Governor of Rivers vs. Nyesom Wike, and the Governor of Plateau vs. the current National Chairman of the APC. More recently, the defections of Governors like Dave Umahi (Ebonyi), Ben Ayade (Cross River), and Bello Matawalle (Zamfara) proved that when a Governor moves, he does so as the new leader of the party in his state. It is also historically hypocritical to label such a move as “betrayal.” When Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso defected from the PDP to the APC in 2013, he did not seek permission from any person or leadership—he led a rebellion based on his own conviction. If it was “principled politics” for the godfather then, it cannot be “betrayal” for the Governor now.

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​What, then, remains for a Governor who already holds the overwhelming mandate of his people? It is a known fact that Governor Abba Yusuf moves with the ironclad support of almost 95% of the Kano State House of Assembly, 50% of the National Assembly members from the state, all 44 Local Government chairmen, and the entire grassroots party structure. The desperate attempt by the NNPP National Working Committee to dissolve the Kano executive committees is a futile, “too-late” maneuver that only confirms their loss of control. When a Governor commands such total loyalty, he does not ask for permission; he leads. The defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is inevitable if he so wishes, as he carries the entire political soul of Kano with him.
​The theory that the APC postponed this move because Senator Kwankwaso is not coming along simply does not hold water. Kwankwaso’s refusal to join the APC is a settled matter; it is alleged the President offered him a ministerial position or the Chairmanship of the soon-to-be resuscitated Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), both of which he rejected after his demand to join the Presidential ticket was denied. Using this stalemate as a pretext for the Governor’s “indecision” is a transparent lie aimed at making the Governor look like a political appendage. It is disheartening to see Daily Nigerian abandon objective journalism to frame the Governor as a “betrayer.” If Governor Abba Yusuf chooses to move, he does so as a leader of a massive political movement. The media must stop concocting stories to mislead the public. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf remains focused on his mandate. These rumors are merely the desperate gasps of those who wish to see Kano in perpetual turmoil.

​Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure writes from Shanono Local Government, Kano State. He can be reached at ahmedtsaure28@gmail.com.

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