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The Politics of Autobiographies-Amir Abdul Aziz

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Dr Amir Abdul Aziz

By: Amir Abdulazeez

In ancient times and through the Middle ages, people used autobiographies to share hidden truths, make confessions and communicate genuine experiences. Nowadays, they are used by politicians and world leaders for self-justification and self-glorification. Whether in the West, across Africa, or within Nigeria, the pattern remains the samepolitical figures use autobiographies to rewrite history in their favour, often ignoring their failures or controversies.

Between 1948 to 1954, former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, published multiple volumes of memoirs that portrayed him as the hero of World War II. While Churchill was undeniably a key figure in the war, his narratives downplayed criticisms of his leadership, including his alleged role in the Bengal Famine of 1943, which resulted in the deaths of millions. His autobiographical works cemented his legacy as a wartime leader while sidestepping his more controversial decisions.

Modern political memoirs have increasingly become exercises in selective storytelling, where leaders carefully articulate their narratives to present themselves in the most favourable light possible. Former United States President, Richard Nixon used his autobiography, ‘The Memoirs of Richard Nixon’, to repair his image after the Watergate scandal. After lying about the possession of weapons of mass destruction as a justification to invade, Tony Blair’s A Journey and George W. Bush’s Decision Points, cruelly and shamelessly attempted to justify their baseless war in Iraq in 2003.
Across Africa, many leaders have also engaged in this practice of using autobiographies to deny or justify their shortcomings. As good as they were, even the likes of Ghanas Kwame Nkrumah, Zambias Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzanias Julius Nyerere and Kenyas Jomo Kenyatta have all been accused of using autobiographies to exaggerate their legacies, downplay their shortcomings and ignore controversies around their stewardships.

In Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjos ‘My Watch’, published in 2014 have been widely criticized for being self-serving. While Obasanjo paints himself as a patriot and a visionary leader, he conveniently overlooked the authoritarian tendencies and allegations of corruption and electoral frauds during his tenure. Despite all the glaring circumstances that led to the decisive defeat of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 Presidential elections, in his 2018 book ‘My Transition Hours’, he tried so hard to justify and downplay the very actions that led to his downfall while also constructing different conspiracy theories that gave the impression he didnt lose the elections freely and fairly.

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Just, when we thought we have had enough of all these politicized autobiographies, former Military President General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has released his own memoirs. While being often and correctly presented as one of Nigerias finest soldiers, strongest leaders and elder statesmen, we can by no means expect his memoirs to be significantly different from that of other Nigerian, African and world leaders. IBB is unlucky to be one of the most studied and documented Nigerian leaders and there are so many controversies, inconsistencies and tactical deceptions associated to his tenure which no autobiography can reconcile.
One major criticism of IBBs memoir is its timing. The delayed release suggests a strategic waiting period for public emotions to cool and memories to fade. Apart from the main actors, many other people in the position to validate or refute whatever he might say in his book are dead. In fact, majority of the current generation of Nigerians were not even born when he left power in 1993. In a nutshell, while Babangidas autobiography may attempt to rationalize many of his decisions, the scars left by the events he presided like the Structural Adjustment programme, state executions, public corruption, endless and wasteful transition programme will remain fresh in the countrys memory.

In Nigeria, what have these autobiographies taught us? Many leaders and political actors have left terrible legacies which they cannot risk leaving in the hands of neutral story tellers. While they should spend the rest of their lives in regret and retrospection, they will rather add salt to injury by releasing half-truths and falsehoods as autobiographies. When they do so, they always have other elitist co-conspirators that benefited from their actions and inactions in power that will gather and celebrate them like heroes.
As a former Nigerian leader, once you are alive and influential, you can always find a way of redeeming your image inspite of your atrocities. I always ask people to imagine if General Sani Abacha was still alive, who will dare recover any foreign loot associated to him? Who doesnt have skeletons in their cupboards? Unfortunately for Abacha, apart from been dead, he had also stepped on most, if not all of the toes that wouldve protected him and again, one of the most affected became President just 11 months after his death.

Not all are the same. There are patriotic Nigerian leaders, statesmen and freedom fighters who deserve to write autobiographies. Unfortunately, when they do, theirs get drowned in the ocean of the negative ones who are richer and more popular. By tradition, you know Nigerians will always promote and accept something that is popular and elegant instead of one that is truthful and honest. This is why you dont hear trending biographies about Gani Fawehinmi, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, etc.
All in all, everyone has a right to his own opinion and narrative of events the way he wants people to view them. While autobiographies provide valuable insights into the minds of world leaders, they must be read with a critical eye. Readers must recognize that these books are not always honest reflections of history but are, more often than not, carefully crafted narratives designed to preserve a leaders legacy. Memoirs of political leaders often serve more as instruments of image control than as genuine historical accounts. The ultimate judgment of political leaders should rest not in the pages of their autobiographies but rather in the lived experiences of their citizens and the tangible impacts of their policies.
I read three autobiographies recently and I found them to be outstanding and honest; Sir Ahmadu Bellos ‘My Life’, Nelson Mandelas ‘Long Walk to Freedom’ and Mahatma Gandhi’s ‘The Stories of My Experiments with Truth’. Sardaunas was simple, least self-glorifying and occasionally self-critical. Mandelas was strictly a chronicle of collective struggles, only mentioning but leaving out details about subjective issues and cleverly terminating his story to the point he was inaugurated as President. He left the story of his presidency to be told by others. Gandhis was the best; when he was literally forced to write his memoirs in 1925, he rather named it ‘my experiments’, it was the translators that added the word ‘autobiography’. He never wanted to write because he believes if your actions are right, there is nothing to boast about it, for the wrong ones, there will always be many people to help you write them.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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