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NIGERIA AT 60: LET’S BLAME THE PRESIDENT

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By Bala Ibrahim.

By next week, precisely Thursday, 1st October 2020, Nigeria will be celebrating it’s diamond jubilee, having turned 60 as an independent nation. The Government, under the leadership of President Muhammadu Buhari, has approved an inclusive National Independence Celebration program, that will see that the thematic and creative aspects of the event are designed by Nigerians quickly for Nigeria.

According to the Government, the intention is to use this opportunity to harness the power of Nigeria’s creative minds to create a new brand identity around the anniversary theme, which will be celebrated in the public space for one year. Good, very good.

But while the organizers are busy looking for a Nigerian solution to the thematic and creative aspects of the event and other challenges facing our country, as directed by the President, methinks Nigerians should also challenge the President more, on why he chose to tackle the challenges of the country with the “accepted” theme and title of “Go slow”.

Sometimes in 2015, shortly after emerging as the President, while having audience with Nigerians in the United States, and pursuant to a question on how he would reconcile the massive goodwill given to him by the people, and the high expectations of the public on him, PMB humourously admitted to being referred to as, Baba Go slow, instead of Baba Buhari. He implied that he is not bothered by that nomenclature, because he believes the end would justify the means. Good, very good.

Also sometimes in 1994, shortly after the late General Sani Abacha, invited him to serve as the head of the newly created Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund (PTF), by which time I was a reporter with the BBC, I put a call to him on the telephone, where I asked General Buhari, whether he was bothered by the insinuation from his die-hard supporters, who felt he has sold out by accepting that appointment?. The General said he was not bothered, because he would work to the best of his ability, for the best of the country, and the end would justify the means. I felt Good, very good.

PTF started sluggishly, because it spent alot of time on the drawing board, which, inspite of the relative restriction on freedom of speech, because the regime was a military one, saw alot of criticism and pressure from the civil society groups. Although in the end, after getting it’s balance, PTF turned out to be the most impactful parastatal ever established in the history of Nigeria, that Go slow aspect, nearly hampered it’s performance.

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If we go by reminisce, when he came the first time as military Head of state, the famous and popular quote of Buhari then was, “This generation of Nigerians and indeed future generations, have no other country than Nigeria. We shall remain here and salvage it together”. He spent alot of time going through the books, setting up tribunals to try suspects, and before the bulldozers could start pulling and packing the rubbles, another set of cowboys came to change the course. Since then, the journey was turned from Good to Bad, with the ugly beckoning at the speed of light.

Taking a cue from these antecedents, and going by the constrants of tenure under the termed arangement of democracy, vis a vis the myriad of problems facing Nigeria at 60, I think Mr. President is wrong, by continuing to use the Go slow phylosophy in the digital race to the stars. Yes, like late Professor Ali Mazrui said, while other continents have been to the moon and back, and even the sun is getting closer, we in Africa, are still trying to get to the village. He added that, even if we get to the village, we may not be able to get back, because the roads are decayed, while the rails have crumbled.

Jauxtapose the saying of late Mazrui with the precarious situation of Nigeria today, particularly the issue of insurgency, which is growing in strength and sophistication, and gradually becoming ominous for the country, one can not but ask, why is the President being soft on some issues?

Particularly appalling is the slow speed in implementing some of the policy options for addressing the causes of the insurgency. The situation is turning ominous because everytime a deadline is given, something bad comes on the timeline, and the country goes to grief.

It may be recalled that around the middle of June this year, about 4 months to the 60th anniversary, sequel to the deterioration of security in the country, with more than two attempts on the life of the Governor of Borno state, Professor Baba Gana Zullum, the President said, the service chiefs, whose tenure he is continiously extending without convincing reasons, need to do more, because they were not doing enough. Instead of going down, the atacks and tactics changed exponentially upwards.

Again early in August, disturbed by the outcry of the public, the President, through the National Security Adviser, ordered an immediate re-engineering of the entire security apparatus of the country, which he said would be done within a short time, imploring Nigerians to patiently await the result.

While Nigerians are awaiting the result, and anxiously looking forward to the celebration of safety at sixty, the country was thrown into another round of mourning few days ago, over the death of a military commander, Colonel Bako, who was fatally wounded in an ambush by Boko Haram militants in Borno state. Less than two days after, the convoy of Governor Babagana Zulum of the same Borno State, was again attacked by Boko Haram terrorists, around the same axis.

Much as Nigerians want to applaud the president for working tirelessly in order to make the end justify the means, working at such slow speed, in a system that is moving at high speed, is akin to working at cross purpose. Add his reluctance to right the wrongs in the wrongful removal of some of his aides, alongside other adverse decisions taken in his absence against the best interest of the country, you cannot but fault the President.

Yes, for Nigeria at 60, Mr. President is partially guilty.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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