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Save Nigeria From Tinubu-Lukman Urges Former Military Rulers

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Senator Bola Ahamd Tinubu
President Bola Ahmad Tinubu

 

Former National Vice Chairman, North West of the All Progressives Congress, Salihu Lukman, has called on former military and civilian presidents in the country to seize the initiative and make concerted efforts to rescue Nigeria from what he called the present “government’s heartless and mindless policies.”

In a statement titled “Nigerian Democracy in ICU,” the former APC chieftain appealed to two-term civilian president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo; former military president and Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and former National Security Adviser, Aliyu Gusau, to take more than a passing interest in the battle for economic survival facing Nigerians as a result of the economic policies of the current administration.

The immediate past Director General of the Progressives Governors Forum noted that the “existential crisis has caught up with even the income-earning population, and governments at all levels are demonstrating both a lack of commitment and inability to respond to the urgency of rescuing the country.”

He said: “One of the big gaps that is there constantly staring Nigerians in the most uncomfortable way is the demobilisation and destruction of democratic structures in the country, which would have ordinarily facilitated consultations with elected leaders and influenced policy decisions of governments at all levels.

The absence of any functional party, whose structures are meeting as provided by their constitutions, is enough evidence. All the so-called big parties don’t hold meetings of their organs.

“The APC is now more of a private limited liability company owned by President Asiwaju Tinubu. PDP, LP, NNPP, and many of the registered parties are all faced with avoidable leadership crises that have strangulated them and are blocking them from holding meetings.

With all these, citizens are denied options and capacity to produce alternative choices. Even the right to register new parties is being blocked seamlessly by INEC.

“With meetings not holding and opposition political leaders manipulated into terminal crisis, Nigerian democracy is in Intensive Care Unit (ICU) with no doctor to attend to. Could former President Obasanjo, former Military President Babangida, former Head of State Abdulsalami, and retired General Gusau be the ‘doctors’ needed to get Nigeria out of the ICU? If so, how can they achieve that?”

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Even as he admitted that some of the eminent Nigerians he listed lack democratic credentials, Lukman insisted that their intervention has become compelling in the face of the manipulation of the leadership of the main opposition parties by the Presidency and the subordination of the national leadership of the ruling party itself to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

“Former President Obasanjo, former Military President Babangida, former Head of State Abdulsalami, and retired General Gusau are certainly leaders in their own right who have paid their dues.

At different times in the political history of Nigeria, they were able to intervene. Arguably, their interventions may have in one way or another contributed to getting Nigeria to its current messy situation.

“For instance, the political practices that are responsible for the erosion of political competition in political parties in Nigeria could be traceable to the tenure of former President Obasanjo.

The policy of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) under former Military President Babangida could have been the source of inspiration for President Asiwaju Tinubu’s impulsive and unplanned policies.

“Although, to be fair to former Military President Babangida, to use Chidi Amuta’s words, he ‘balanced compassion and hard policy choices.’

To the extent of contributing to getting Nigeria to the current messy situation, these leaders owe a responsibility to the nation to take it out of the ICU.

“Getting Nigerian democracy out of the ICU is a function of the ability to revive, restore, and strengthen democratic structures in the country, which is dependent on the ability to create at least a functional political party that would allow for political competition within its structures and, by extension, in the country.

This should not just be about identifying and promoting a candidate who will emerge as a candidate in any of the registered parties.

“Once the approach is limited to producing a candidate, the potential of falling into a legal booby trap imposed by the manipulative activities of President Asiwaju Tinubu and APC is high.

“Part of the legal booby trap is that the potential candidate may be produced by a leadership faction of a political party, which will throw the party and the candidate into court cases that will undermine electoral viability.

The other challenge is that producing a candidate may not guarantee a corresponding commitment by elected leaders to honor their campaign promises and be accountable to Nigerians.

“For elected leaders to come with a corresponding commitment to honor campaign promises and be accountable to Nigerians requires the existence of a strong political party whose organs will meet as prescribed by the party’s constitution.

Above all, the profile of the leadership of the party should be at least equivalent to that of the elected leadership of the country.

“A situation whereby party leadership is below the profile of elected leaders is injurious to Nigerian democracy and will retain it in the ICU.

“Therefore, if former President Obasanjo, former Military President Babangida, former Head of State Abdulsalami, and retired General Gusau are truly committed to rescuing Nigerian democracy and getting it out of the ICU, they should facilitate a deeper engagement of opposition political leaders in the country.

Beyond anything, this will help reset Nigerian democracy and restore the confidence of Nigerians in surviving the current hard times imposed by the impulsive, unplanned, and undemocratic policies of President Asiwaju Tinubu.”

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Nigeria’s Opposition Coalition: Navigating Leadership Tussles, Candidate Selection, and the Road to 2027

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian political landscape is currently simmering with uncertainty as the country’s embattled opposition coalition grapples with a series of interconnected dilemmas. From internal party squabbles to the high-stakes question of a presidential candidate capable of unseating incumbent Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, the coalition’s path forward is anything but straightforward. This report provides a detailed examination of the key fault lines within the opposition, the strategic calculations underway, and the prospects for a unified challenge against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The Party Allegiance Conundrum: Stay or Abandon the ADC?

At the heart of the opposition’s immediate crisis is the question of which political platform to adopt. The coalition had previously coalesced around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), but the party has since become deeply factionalised, raising doubts about its viability as a vehicle for a credible electoral challenge. Alternatives such as the New Democratic Congress (NDC) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) have been floated as potential replacements.

After intense internal deliberations, coalition leaders have resolved not to abandon the ADC at this critical juncture. Their reasoning rests on two pillars. First, they argue that considerable resources—financial, organisational, and political—have already been invested in building the ADC into a formidable opposition force ahead of the 2027 general election. Second, they contend that the ruling APC’s strategy of suppressing opposition platforms is not unique to the ADC. In their view, leaving the ADC for another party without first cleansing it of “bad eggs” would only export the same dysfunction to any new vehicle. Therefore, calls to exit solely because of the ongoing leadership tussle have been firmly rejected.

The Presidential Candidate Puzzle: Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, or Amaechi?

Beyond the party platform issue lies an even more contentious dilemma: who will fly the coalition’s flag as presidential candidate. The quartet of political heavyweights—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP), former Governor of Anambra Peter Obi (Labour Party/ADC), former Governor of Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP), and former Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi (APC defector)—each command significant followings. Yet their rivalry threatens to fragment the coalition before it can even take shape.

The Atiku-Obi Ticket Proposition

Political pundits have suggested that the coalition’s strongest chance lies in reviving the 2019 formula: Atiku as presidential candidate and Peter Obi as his running mate. Proponents argue that this combination balances regional and ethnic considerations—Atiku drawing from the north-east and Obi from the south-east—while leveraging the name recognition of both figures. The ticket would also present a direct contrast to President Tinubu’s southern Muslim identity.

The Kwankwaso-Obi Counterproposal

Observers have countered that the electorate may be suffering from “Atiku fatigue,” noting that the former vice president has contested every election cycle since 2007 without success. These analysts argue that it is time for Atiku to step aside and allow a Kwankwaso-Obi pairing, with Kwankwaso at the top and Obi as his deputy. They believe that Kwankwaso’s northern grassroots appeal, combined with Obi’s youth and digital following, could replicate the “outsider” energy that propelled Obi to third place in 2023.

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The Obedient Movement’s Resistance and Obi’s Stated Position

The permutations become more fraught once the Obedient Movement—the sprawling, youth-led network that propelled Peter Obi to unexpected prominence in 2023—is factored in. The movement has been unequivocal: Peter Obi will not deputise for anyone. Its leaders view Obi not merely as a candidate but as the embodiment of a generational and governance reform movement. Any suggestion that he accept a vice-presidential slot is met with fierce resistance.

For his part, Peter Obi has repeatedly stated that he will be on the 2027 presidential ballot as a flag bearer of a party. Observers have interpreted this stance in two ways. Either he remains committed to his previous political platform—the Labour Party, which gave him the ticket in 2023—or he has prepared an alternative in the event that the coalition’s chosen vehicle (the ADC) becomes unworkable.

Speculation of an Obi Exit from ADC

With the ADC’s leadership crisis now fully manifest, social media and political circles are rife with speculation that Obi may soon abandon the ADC altogether. The most likely destination is a return to the Labour Party, where he still enjoys substantial institutional loyalty. However, other unnamed parties are also said to be under consideration. The coalition’s ability to hold together could hinge on whether Obi decides to remain within the fold or strike out on his own.

The Electability Question: Can Obi Defeat President Tinubu?

Beyond the internal machinations, analysts are divided on whether Peter Obi—even if he secures a presidential ticket—can actually defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

The Case for Obi’s Victory

Proponents of Obi’s electability point to the momentum he generated in 2023, when he captured over six million votes despite running on a relatively unknown party platform. They argue that if that momentum remains intact—and if he selects a northern Muslim as his running mate to balance the ticket—he could defeat Tinubu. The reasoning rests heavily on the north’s growing disillusionment with the president. Tinubu’s economic policies, including the removal of fuel subsidies and unification of exchange rates, have triggered steep inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. Furthermore, political observers note that Tinubu’s administration has engaged in what many northern elites perceive as the political persecution of prominent northern figures, allegedly to neutralise potential challengers from the region. This combination of economic pain and political marginalisation, they argue, could drive a decisive northern rejection of the incumbent.

The Counterargument: Obstacles to an Obi-Led Ticket

Opposing analysts offer a sobering rebuttal. They note that any ticket with Obi at the top would require a northern politician to accept the vice-presidential slot. But among the coalition’s leading lights—Atiku, Kwankwaso, and even Amaechi—none are likely to subordinate themselves to Obi. Atiku sees himself as the elder statesman and natural standard-bearer. Kwankwaso commands his own northern power base and has little interest in playing second fiddle. Consequently, the prediction that Obi could defeat Tinubu, while not impossible, rests on a political alignment that currently shows no signs of materialising. Without a willing and credible northern running mate, Obi’s chances remain speculative at best.

 

The Nigerian opposition coalition stands at a defining moment. It has chosen to stay and fight for control of the factionalised ADC, rejecting the easier path of switching to a new platform. Yet that decision may prove pyrrhic if the leadership tussle continues to drain energy and credibility. Simultaneously, the unresolved question of a presidential candidate threatens to fracture the alliance before it can present a united front. Peter Obi’s unwillingness to play a subordinate role, coupled with the Obedient Movement’s intransigence, creates a high-stakes bargaining environment. Meanwhile, the coalition’s ultimate viability depends on whether it can translate anti-Tinubu sentiment—particularly in the north—into a coherent electoral strategy.

As 2027 approaches, the opposition would do well to remember that Nigerians are watching not only for charisma but for competence, unity, and a credible plan to address the nation’s deepening economic and security challenges. The current web of dilemmas, if left unresolved, may hand President Tinubu a second term by default.

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INEC Urges Broadcasters to Uphold Fairness Ahead of 2027 Elections

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Independent National Electoral Commission has underscored the critical role of broadcast media in safeguarding electoral integrity, urging broadcasters to uphold fairness, professionalism, and accuracy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Addressing the 81st General Assembly of the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria on Wednesday in Abuja, the INEC chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan, stressed that the management of the airwaves under the Electoral Act 2026 would be decisive in shaping public trust and democratic outcomes.

Amupitan noted that the growing influence of broadcast platforms has made it central to political communication.

He warned, saying, “Your airwaves have become the primary infrastructure of our democracy. If they are clear, the nation sees the truth; if they are clouded by misinformation, the sovereign will of the people is threatened.”

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Amupitan highlighted key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, particularly those mandating equal access to media platforms and prohibiting the misuse of state-owned media.

He explained that “state apparatus, including the media, shall not be employed to the advantage or disadvantage of any political party or candidate at any election”.

He also emphasised that media time shall be allocated equally among the political parties or candidates at similar hours of the day.

Amupitan further cautioned against inflammatory political messaging, citing the law, which states that “a political campaign or slogan shall not be tainted with abusive language directly or indirectly likely to injure religious, ethnic, tribal or sectional feelings.”

The commission also reiterated restrictions on campaign broadcasts close to election day, noting that “any person, print or electronic medium that broadcasts, publishes, advertises or circulates any material within 24 hours immediately preceding or on polling day commits an offence under this Act.”

While acknowledging the reforms introduced by the new law, the INEC chairman raised concerns over enforcement gaps, regulatory overlap, and the growing influence of digital media, warning that these challenges could undermine the effectiveness of the legal framework.

He called for stronger collaboration between regulators and industry players, proposing an alliance involving INEC, BON, security agencies, and the judiciary to ensure compliance and accountability.

With the countdown to the 2027 elections underway, the Commission disclosed that “283 days remain until the Presidential and National Assembly Elections on January 16, 2027,” and “304 days to go” before the governorship and state assembly polls.

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

A Delta South Senatorial candidate in a desperate bid to garner endorsements has made an offer of a whopping N250 million to Isoko Traditional Rulers for conferment of an omnibus Chieftaincy Title on him, insisting that he had never had one.

The offer is however been rebuffed by some of the notable Kings, who view the offer as a “Greek gift”, and vowed to stonewall it, while the other group is desperate to have their hands in the bounty.

A traditional ruler, who crave for anonymity said: “you are offering a hefty N250 million for a chieftaincy title at the eleventh hour when in normal circumstances it should be free based on your performances while in office.

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Frantic efforts are being made to get the integrity group of traditional rulers on board to grant the Senatorial Candidate his wish through intensive lobbying.

The traditional rulers are said to be consulting amongst themselves whether to accept the offer.

Isoko is made up of 17 autonomous clans, each with its own authority to confer chieftaincy on deserving sons and daughters.

Last week Saturday, Senator Joel Onowakpo Thomas, representing Delta South gathered some traditional rulers, politicians and Isoko Development Union (IDU) at his country home, Emede in Isoko South and got an endorsement for a second term come 2027.

The endorsement had not gone down well with the generality of Delta South, especially the people of the two local governments in Isokoland as it has been heavily criticized.

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