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Religion , Ethics And Journalism: The NASCO Story

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By Jonathan Ishaku

One of the setbacks of tackling terrorism in Nigeria today is the tendency to conflate it with religion. As a multi-religious society, journalists need to be faithful in the rendition of the terrorism narrative without sacrificing truth or objectivity. That, however, starts with the understanding of what terrorism is and what it is not! Even at that they will have to abide by their professional ethics in their reportage in order to not only safeguard professional integrity but also to protect national security and unity.

This is for the reason that an unprofessional handling of the terrorism narrative often drives two opposing extremes: those who, on the basis of religion, simply deny the existence of terrorism in its entirety, on the one hand, and those who erroneously equate Islam with terrorism, on the other. This has severe consequences for the society in countering the threat.

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The first tendency hinders consensus in tackling terrorism in its embryonic and subsequent stages. To butters this, I once quoted Prof. Yakubu, a Muslim scholar and former Vice Chancellor of University of Abuja who told a gathering at a book launch organized by De Minaret International at Abuja in May 2012 that “the country was under attack by bad elements within the Muslim community and Muslim leaders were not doing enough to fish out the suspects.” (Daily Trust, May 7, 2012). Indeed, many Muslim leaders had criticized the designation of Boko Haram as a terrorist organization because they argue that they were Muslims.

The other extreme is equally invidious; it is divisive. The article “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story” by one David Hundeyin which went viral in the first week of October 2021, in my opinion, illustrates this tendency. As one who had published a book, entitled “Boko Haram: How Religious Intolerance threatens Nigeria,” in 2009, and reputed to be one of the first books on the subject, I was naturally intrigued. I went through Mr. Hundeyin’s article several times.

In the end I concluded that Akwa Ibom-born Mr. Hundeyin, whose real name is David Inyene-Obong Nugboyon Oluwaseun, leaned too heavily on the notion equating the Islamic religion with terrorism. His analysis provided no evidential linkage between NASCO, the manufacturers of Nigeria’s leading cornflakes brand and Boko Haram, the terrorist group which he dressed in the religious toga of jihad except reinforcing the erroneous notion that Muslims and Muslim leaders are sponsors of terrorism. I do not dispute that Boko Haram sees itself as waging a jihad, using terrorism, but donning a Muslim-owned corporate entity like NASCO such a label would require substantial proof of evidence that it indeed actually involved itself in the crime of terrorism. It should be clear that Boko Haram is NOT being fought because it claims to be a radical or extremist Islamic group or that it is an acclaimed jihadist movement, no. Boko Haram is being prosecuted because it is involved in the crime of terrorism; killings, bloody sieges against communities, kidnappings, insurgency, and many acts of terror and violence against the people! Radical movements exist in all religions, it is no crime but when they begin to resort to violence they cross into the threshold of terrorism and criminality.

Alex P. Schmid, a leading scholar on terrorism, warns the linkage between radicalization and religious extremism is tendentious. Schmid said, “While both stand at the same distance from mainstream political thinking, the first tends to be open-minded, while the second manifests a closed mind and distinct willingness to use violence against civilians.” (Schmid, 2013). Radicalism gave the blacks equal rights in the US, independence to Nigeria in 1960, ousted Apartheid in South Africa in 1990, brought about the liberation of Southern Sudan in 2011, etc. Extremism, however, fuels violent terrorism. Although a majority of such violence is religious, among the plethora of modern-day extremist groups with known terrorist track-record are: secular/political/anarchists, right-wing, left-wing, ethno-nationalists and single-issue extremists.

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For example, the Ombatse killings in Nasarawa State in which over 60 security operatives were killed in 2013 fell into one of these categories. Which category does the bandits who attack Christians and Muslims equally, and kill worshippers in churches and mosques, fall? Any reporter that cannot figure out the distinction shouldn’t report on terrorism!

Apart from understanding the subject of investigation and the pursuit of objectivity, professional integrity is also crucial in reporting terrorism. When a reporter reports on terrorism his or her motives shouldn’t be opened to questioning. Journalists are guided by the principle of telling the truth, not half-truths, but “the whole truth.” Mr. Hundeyin was on a thing when he reported that the late founder of NASCO International, Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin, was on the United Nations Security Council’s list of sanctions back in 2002 over suspicion of terrorism financing. In the research for my 2009 book, I also discovered this, but it never appeared in my book because that wasn’t “the whole truth.” The truth is that suspicion alone doesn’t constitute culpability.

Dr. Nasreddin’s plight came in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorism bombing of the World Trade Centre twin towers and the Pentagon. As in all panicky situations, both the USA and the UNSC, without resort to the legal principle of presumption of innocence, embarked on sanctions against some suspected individuals and corporate entities. One of such entities was Bank Al Taqwa owned by Youssef Nada, and a bank in which Dr. Nasreddin was a director. Although NASCO International was never implicated, owing to the inclusion of its founder, it was equally blacklisted and suffered some sanctions in Italy, Switzerland, Turkey Morocco, and the Bahamas. However, NASCO Group Nigeria, which operated independently was never closed down aside the proceedings in a Nigerian high court referenced by the author. In 2008, however, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) determined that the UNSC blacklist was arbitrary and a violation of human rights.

Meanwhile, after a thorough investigation by the UN Al Qaeda and Taliban Committee between late 2007 and early 2008, on January 17, 2008, the UN Security Council fully exonerated Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin and NASCO International of involvement in terrorism financing, vide UNSC Resolution S/2008/25. This is the whole truth regarding Hundeyin’s story “Cornflakes for Jihad”. So why did the journalist choose to omit this vital information from his report? Did he have a hidden agenda then? Why did he prefer to run with the half-truth than “the whole truth”?

Furthermore, when reporting “the whole truth,” many trained, as opposed to social media emergency reporters, are adept to the principles and practice of restraint and responsibility. My professor illustrated this point with the allegory of “fire in the crowded cinema hall.” If you notice an outbreak of fire at the back of the crowded hall, will you scream “Fire!” knowing very well that many people will die or be injured in the ensuing stampede? I don’t know what training in journalism or public relations the police Public Relations Officer in Jos, Plateau State had received, but I knew he was untrained and unfit for the office when at the unfortunate killing of 22 travelers from Bauchi en route Ondo State, in Jos, on August 14, 2021, he went on air to announce that “Muslim travelers were killed by Christian Irigwe youths.” The reaction to the announcement was predictable, Jos went up in flames!

From the outbreak of violence on the August 14 and August 25, when “unknown gunmen” killers invaded a community in the vicinity in Jos killing 38 people, till the end of September 2021 that normalcy gradually returned, the peace in Jos was quite fragile indeed, with the University of Jos and several businesses under lock. It was under these circumstances, that on October 3, 2021, Mr. Hundeyin released his bombshell, guaranteed to set NASCO on fire and rekindle another bloodbath of religious clashes in the city. For what purpose?

Half-truths packaged in incendiary language targeting the largest employer of labour in tensed Jos! Did the author ever consider what the people had just passed through? Did he exercise restraint and responsibility in consideration of the interests of the inhabitants, the returning students, economic activities, and growth of the state in particular and national security and unity in general?

The religious sentiment beclouding terrorism reportage could of itself turn into a weapon of violence. But for the general caution of the public, the aforesaid article would have plunged Jos city into another orgy of violence, while the author is ensconced in the comfort of his self-styled exile somewhere abroad.

Both Christians and Muslims are victims of terrorism. Terrorists spare no one. That is why both Muslim and Christians have called on the Federal Government to declare the bandits, killers and kidnappers in the North West and Middle Belt as terrorists because of the mayhem they have unleashed on the people not because of their religion.

About the author:
Ishaku is a journalist and writer. He is also Member of the Editorial Advisory Board, The Independent Newspaper.

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Opinion

Persecution of Crimean Tatar Muslims and Russia’s Campaign Against Ukrainian Identity

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By Alhassan Bala

The annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 marked not only a violation of international law but also the beginning of a systematic campaign to undermine the cultural identity of the Crimean Peninsula’s indigenous people.

The Crimean Tatars, who had already endured one of history’s most devastating forced deportations under Joseph Stalin, now face a renewed threat as Russia continues efforts that many observers say are aimed at eroding their language, culture, and religious freedoms.

According to discussions with representatives of the Crimean Tatar community, the current situation goes beyond cultural suppression. It is, they argue, a gradual process of cultural extinction.

The Crimean Tatars have survived persecution before. In 1944, Stalin ordered the mass deportation of the entire Crimean Tatar population from their homeland to Central Asia. Packed into cattle cars and transported under inhumane conditions, nearly half of the deportees died during the journey or in the early years of exile.

It took decades for survivors and their descendants to return to Crimea and rebuild their communities following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

I recently met several Crimean Tatars, and hearing their accounts of how their grandparents endured displacement, hardship, and persecution was deeply moving.

Their stories are a reminder of the resilience of a people determined to preserve their identity despite repeated attempts to erase it.

Today, more than seventy years after Stalin’s deportations, history appears to be repeating itself in a different form. Rather than relying on mass expulsions, Russia is accused of employing more subtle methods, including institutional discrimination, restrictions on religious practice, and the gradual erosion of linguistic and cultural identity.

Language is central to the survival of any people, and critics say Russian authorities understand this well. Since the annexation, Crimean Tatar-language education has reportedly been significantly reduced.

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Schools that once provided instruction in the Crimean Tatar language have been encouraged or compelled to switch to Russian. Crimean Tatar textbooks have become increasingly scarce, while educators who seek to preserve indigenous-language instruction face growing challenges.

The Ukrainian language has faced a similar decline. Prior to 2014, Ukrainian was widely taught and spoken throughout Crimea.

Today, opportunities to study both Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian have reportedly been reduced dramatically. In many cases, Crimean Tatar language instruction is limited to only a few hours per week, while Ukrainian-language education has largely disappeared from public institutions.

Critics describe this as a form of linguistic colonialism. By restricting access to education in native languages, they argue, future generations become increasingly disconnected from their cultural heritage.

Over time, languages that once flourished in Crimea risk becoming marginalized in the very homeland where they originated.

For the predominantly Muslim Crimean Tatar community, concerns extend beyond language to the practice of their faith.

Human rights organizations have documented reports of mosque raids, arrests of religious leaders, and restrictions on religious education.

The Mejlis, the representative body of the Crimean Tatar people, was banned by Russian authorities as an “extremist organization,” a move widely condemned by international observers.

Young Crimean Tatar men have faced particular scrutiny. Many have been detained and prosecuted under allegations of affiliation with Hizb ut-Tahrir, an organization that is legal in Ukraine but prohibited in Russia.

Human rights advocates have questioned the fairness of some of these prosecutions, citing concerns over evidence and due process.

Reports also indicate that religious literature has been confiscated and that Islamic educational activities have been subjected to increased restrictions.

For many Crimean Tatars, these measures reinforce a perception that maintaining their distinct religious and cultural identity has become increasingly difficult under Russian rule.

Crimean Tatar citizen journalists who document human rights abuses face heavily militarized show trials. Many are sentenced to decades in Russian penal colonies. Journalists face forced disappearances, physical violence, and raids on their homes. For example, Iryna Danylovych, a freelance reporter, was abducted by the FSB and transferred to a Russian prison.

The international community must continue to pay attention to the situation in Crimea. The Crimean Tatars survived Stalin’s attempt to destroy their nation and identity.

They rebuilt their communities from the ashes of exile and deserve the opportunity to preserve what they have fought so hard to reclaim—their language, their faith, their culture, and their homeland.

In this regard, the efforts of the Crimea Platform, an international initiative established to keep global attention focused on Crimea and the challenges faced by its people, remain important.

Through dialogue, advocacy, and international engagement, the platform continues to highlight the plight of Crimeans and the need for a peaceful and just resolution.

Alhassan Bala writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

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Opinion

Senator Barau: 3 Years of Meritorious Service to Humanity as DSP

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By Abba Anwar

As a build up to 2023 general election, Senator Barau I Jibrin, was campaigning to become a Senator for another round, in the 10th Assembly. From Kano North Senatorial District. All his campaign promises then were centered around his primary constituency.

Unknown to him, his victory would open door for him and create an opportunity, for him to become, Deputy Senate President. Alas, after the election of His Excellency Senator Godswill Akpabio, as Senate President. Jibrin was elected his Deputy.

His election as DSP, stemmed from so many considerations, of the gentleman. His credentials and his past contributions and engagements in the National Assembly, starting from being a Member of House of Representatives, when he represented Tarauni federal constituency, from Kano Central, were considered. As such his pedigree gave him, not automatic chance, but edge over others to become the DSP.

During his days as a Member of House of Representatives, when late Right Honourable Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba was the Speaker of the House, Jibrin was the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation. The same position he held when he became Senator. Apart from being Chairman Senate Committee on Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund).

His choice or rather election as the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, was hitherto considered and approved by the entire Honourable members, because of his credentials in the field. Not only that, he was one of the best students during his undergraduate days and postgraduate days, in his chosen area of studies. Which gave him so many inches ahead of others, then.

As Chairman Senate Committee on TETFund, the choice was made on the basis of his love for education, education and education. His genuine support for equipping people with education, at all levels, was considered at the same time. No wonder, his constituency, witnessed and are still witnessing his unmatched and unparalleled contributions to the education of his people, under Barau Jibrin Scholarship Scheme. Apart from other areas of intervention in the sector.

His service to humanity cuts across constituencies, party lines, geographical boundaries and ages, in the last three years of his leadership as Deputy Senate President. Even some parts of Nigeria, benefited from his legislative efforts. In his primary constituency, he sponsored hundreds of students for undergraduate studies in some carefully selected Nigerian universities. While dozens were selected, also after diligent screening, for their postgraduate studies outside the country.

Modern fields of study such as Software Engineering, Robotics Engineering, Artificial Intelligence, and Chemical Engineering, in which he sponsored many students, are testament to his legacy and reflect his focus on human development. He believes that education builds capacity, capability, and compatibility in life.

In the education sector he initiated and presented a Bill for the establishment of Federal Polytechnic, Kabo, that was established with 17 approved programmes in Science, Engineering and Health Sciences. He further lobbied and followed-up legislative process; which also provided infrastructure for the Polytechnic to be transformed to University of Science and Technology, Kabo.

He initiated, lobbied and followed-up for the Federal College of Education (Technical) Bichi, to Federal University of Education Bichi. The same effort was applied to the transformation of the Federal College of Education, (FCE) Kano, to Yusuf Maitama Sule Federal University of Education, Kano. He initiated and lobbied for the renaming of the University, after the name of the former Permanent Representative of Nigeria, to the United Nations, Dan Masanin Kano Yusuf Maitama Sule.

He was able to facilitate the establishment of 13 National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) Study Centres, across all 13 Local Government Areas, of his constituency, Kano North. Also facilitated for the establishment of Federal University Dutsin-Ma 6 Satellite Campuses and four (4) more Study Centres facilitated in Gwarzo, Danbatta, Dawakin Tofa, Gabasawa local governments.

His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, constructed blocks and made renovation of many primary and secondary school in Kano North. Apart from helping teachers and students with the means of transportation to schools for teaching and learning.

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Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Under security sector, more specifically his direct support to Nigeria Police Force, the Distinguished Senator donated One thousand (1,000) operational motorcycles. The handing over of the motorcycles took place at Bompai Police Headquarters, Kano. Of which the distribution was at 700 for Kano North Senatorial Zone and the remaining 300 for State Command Headquarters. The donation was purposely made to enhance mobility, rapid response, and reach hard-to-access areas by our Police officers.

He donated other operational vehicles to the Police Command, Bompai, among other donations of vehicles to other police formations, particularly, in Kano North. As he renovated parts of Kano State Police Headquarters. As he further constructed many police stations in different parts of the state.

Our able DSP constructed a modern Police Secondary School in Kabo, his hometown. He is not only concerned with operational vehicles and infrastructure, he is mindful of aiding his people to get recruited into the available spaces under our security system.

Hence he facilitated the recruitment of 120 security personnel as Police Cadets, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) officials, and Federal Fire Service officers from Kano North. After the completion of their training, he hosted them at a dinner in their honor, at Bristol Palace Hotel, Kano. As he charged them on integrity, patriotism, service to the nation and loyalty to their respective formations.

To further enhance security in the streets across his constituency, he helped in the installation of one thousand (1,000) solar-powered streetlights across Kano North, to improve nighttime patrols. As he rushed to Kano Central donating for market security, where he donated Hilux, 5 motorcycles for patrol at Farm Centre phone market.

As our Distinguished Senator believes in re-positioning of our security system and architecture, he sees reason in security infrastructure development. This informs his patriotic decision in facilitating for the establishment of
NSCDC Training College, in Gwarzo, Nigeria Police Service Commission Training Institute, in Kabo and Nigeria Immigration Service Training School, in Bichi.

Under agriculture the biggest project is the long awaited programme on maize and rice cultivation to boost food security, under Barau Initiative for Agricultural Revolution in the Northwest (BIARN), that was launched in April 2025. With the intention of the distribution of about Three Billion Naira (N3b) interest-free loan scheme for 558 young farmers across the 7 states of the North West.

As beneficiaries would get access to, ranging from One Million Naira (N1m) to Two Million Naira (N2m) up to Five Million Naira (N5m) per individual beneficiary. What is delaying the implementation of the programme is the paucity of Funds from the partner organization, Bank of Agriculture (BOA).

Under nfrastructural development, road construction and rehabilitation
specifically, he lobbied for Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi federal road among others. Other infrastructure in Gwarzo, where roads, bridge, water projects and installation of solar lights, became the order of the day, under his interventions. So also hospital construction and upgrades, in the same Gwarzo local government.

Community projects like construction and rehabilitation of Mosques, Palaces and training institutes are all over.

Under Youth and Women Empowerment for economic development, he initiated the distribution of Twenty Thousand Naira (₦20,000) only. For 10,000 less-privileged across all the 44 LGAs in the state. With Kano North taking the largest share of 6,500 beneficiaries, at 500 per LGA.

Just recently DSP launched monthly One Hundred Thousand Naira (₦100,000) only, capital support, for 1,300 beneficiaries, from the Month of February 2026 to December 2026. A year round project. A total of 18,200 beneficiaries, will benefit from the sum of Two Hundred and Eighteen Million, Two Hundred Thousand (₦218.2m) only.

Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Sports & Community Development are not left behind. As 150 football teams per local government benefited with Jerseys and balls. Totaling 1,950 teams across Kano North.

It is on record, as many people, especially those from Kano North, know, DSP did more than what I listed here. One piece of material cannot encapsulate all this contributions and speak out at a time. But this gentleman did a lot and is committed to step further.

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 7th June, 2026

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Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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