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OPINION:Bauchi ,A Paradise for Immunity Seekers? How Alleged Corrupt Politicians Are Eyeing Government House

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By Haroon Mustapha

For the attention of His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
If two-term presidential politics is a game of two halves, then the first term is when a President sets direction, lays foundations, and begins to redirect the country toward a brighter future. The second term is when those gains are consolidated, the larger vision is executed, and a lasting legacy is secured. The ‘BAT’ are positioned to become the halcyon period that repositions Nigeria regionally and internationally: no longer the tired story of a nation defined only by potential, but the 21st-century story of a country that converts potential into tangible national benefit.

That is precisely why Bauchi, like every other state in the federation, must not be allowed to become a paradise for immunity seekers. Past executive failure must not be recycled. Allegations of criminality must not be politically laundered. Questions over allegedly siphoned NNPC funds, allegations of procurement abuse, and claims touching on banditry or terrorism financing must not simply be brushed aside while Bauchi misses a genuine opportunity to reposition itself as a hub for tourism, agricultural investment, and strategic solid-mineral development under your second term.

Few tactics in politics are as cynical as the rush for constitutional immunity. Under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, governors are protected from civil and criminal proceedings while in office. For some Bauchi politicians, the timing of their ambition raises serious questions. With lingering allegations from their time in the civil service or in federal appointments, the governorship can appear less like a platform for service and more like the ultimate constitutional shield. Reports in the public domain describe individuals investigated or charged by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) or the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) repositioning themselves as leaders seeking the people’s mandate not necessarily to serve, but, critics argue, to evade accountability. Whatever language such actors now deploy, the public record cannot simply be wished away. This playbook risks turning Bauchi into a haven for immunity seekers, weakening public trust, undermining good governance, and damaging the wider reform legacy your administration seeks to build.

The most obvious example is the current governor, Senator Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. Before his election in 2019, Mohammed, a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, had faced EFCC scrutiny. The anti-graft agency publicly stated that he “was standing trial for money laundering at the time he won election as governor of Bauchi State. Only the constitutional immunity from prosecution, which his current office attracts, has put that case in abeyance.” EFCC statements issued earlier this year reiterated that position and linked the matter to his prior public roles. More recently, his administration has also come under fresh EFCC scrutiny involving aides charged with money laundering and terrorism financing, with his name reportedly appearing in court filings. Governor Mohammed has dismissed these developments as political persecution. Critics, however, argue that his 2019 governorship bid was timed, at least in part, to take advantage of constitutional immunity. Whether one accepts the EFCC’s account or the governor’s defence of a witch-hunt, the optics remain troubling: public office appears, at minimum, to have functioned as a route away from immediate accountability.

 

Now a section of Bauchi’s political elite is reportedly positioning Dr Bala Maijama’a Wunti as Governor Mohammed’s preferred successor ahead of the 2027 elections. That prospect raises a profound question: is this confidence, or the entitlement of a political class that believes public memory is short and can be manipulated? In today’s world, alleged misconduct in public office does not remain hidden. It is documented, debated, and permanently available for scrutiny. Public commentary on social media, local reporting, and Wunti’s own political signals increasingly frame him as Mohammed’s preferred successor, with consultations inside APC structures reportedly already under way. Some accounts further suggest a wider political bargain in which Governor Mohammed could defect from the PDP to the APC, secure the APC senatorial ticket for Bauchi South, and see his Commissioner of Finance, Yakubu Adamu, who is currently facing EFCC charges of money laundering and terrorism financing at the Federal High Court, emerge as Wunti’s running mate. If such a transition were realised, it would align Bauchi’s leadership succession with the ruling party, smooth Wunti’s path, and preserve Mohammed’s political relevance.
Dr Wunti is a career public servant who served in the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited. He joined in 1994 and rose through the ranks to hold several senior positions, including Production Programming Officer, Group General Manager of Corporate Planning and Strategy, Managing Director of the Petroleum Products Marketing Company, and, crucially, Group General Manager of the National Petroleum Investment Management Services from 2020 to 2025.

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In his final stint at NNPC, he served as Chief Health, Safety and Environment Officer before retiring in June 2025. Since then, he has increasingly been mentioned as a leading contender for the governorship of Bauchi State.
However, as in the case of Bala
Mohammed in 2019.

 

Groups such as the Concerned Citizens of Nigeria, the Community Development Committee, and the Citizens Watch Coalition petitioned the EFCC and the National Assembly for investigation, citing what they described as more than 10 incidents of fraud and abuse of office. A 2025 petition to the EFCC reportedly renewed demands for a formal probe. Wunti has not been convicted of any offence, and his defenders have dismissed the allegations as blackmail and baseless claims unsupported by probative evidence. Even so, the accumulation of petitions and media reports has kept the allegations in public view. As he is now discussed as a possible APC governorship candidate in Bauchi, critics see a familiar pattern: a senior federal technocrat under heavy public scrutiny moving toward an office that carries constitutional immunity.
Mr President, you have presented yourself as a bold reformer willing to take difficult decisions that previous administrations avoided. Your economic reforms have marked a clear departure from decades of fiscal complacency. The removal of the fuel subsidy shortly after your inauguration in 2023, though politically risky, ended a long-standing drain on public resources and will remain one of the defining decisions of your presidency.

The unification of exchange rates and the floating of the naira signalled a return to market discipline. Non-oil revenue performance, debt-service relief, GDP recovery, and rising external reserves have all been cited as evidence that your administration is pursuing a serious reform agenda. Additional efforts in civil-service reform, institutional restructuring, regional security cooperation, and infrastructure build-out have reinforced the image of a government trying to reset the Nigerian state. That is precisely why the company your administration keeps matters so much.

The people of Bauchi are tired of unrealised potential. They are tired of youth unemployment, weak primary healthcare, underdeveloped tourism assets, and a state economy that has not matched its promise. Bauchi can be a food basket for the North. It can become an engine room for value-added solid-mineral development. It can attract investment in agriculture, logistics, and tourism. These aspirations fit naturally within your stated vision of a stronger, more economically stable Nigeria built on sustainable growth, institutional integrity, and reduced corruption. But they cannot be realised if the state is captured by political actors whose primary instinct is self-preservation rather than public service.

Mr President your brand rests on reformist credibility: ending unsustainable subsidies, blocking fiscal leakages, and projecting administrative seriousness. Embracing figures with unresolved EFCC-level baggage carries obvious reputational risks. Public perception matters. Global perception matters. If Bauchi’s succession narrative hardens around Wunti amid contract-fraud petitions, and if that process is linked to a wider political accommodation involving Governor Mohammed, it will invite the charge that the ruling party is providing political cover to individuals facing grave allegations. In that scenario, isn’t Bauchi being conned once again?

 

Mr President, your legacy is not to be built on GDP numbers alone. It is also built on the company one keeps and the precedents one sets. Any association with politicians who appear, in the public mind, to treat the governorship as a get-out-of-jail card risks diluting the narrative of national renewal. It would also feed the perception that the APC is becoming a vehicle for elite protection rather than public service. In Bauchi specifically, the elevation of Wunti despite the allegations tied to his NAPIMS years, even if those allegations have not been proven in court, would send a dangerous signal: that political usefulness can override transparency concerns. Nigerians across the country would then be entitled to ask whether this is truly the new Nigeria your administration promises, or merely the old order dressed in reformist language.

Bauchi State’s political elite must decide whether shielding individuals facing serious public allegations serves the people or merely perpetuates a cycle of impunity. The impunity of the entitled. Mr President, you have staked your place in history on economic courage; you now face a parallel test of political consistency. Enduring legacy demands reform without selective blindness to corruption. Allowing Bauchi to become an immunity paradise would not only betray the people of the state; it could also stain the broader reform project your administration has diligently advanced. The 2027 contest will test whether substance prevails over political shelter, or whether the governorship remains a golden ticket for those with unfinished business before anti-corruption agencies. Nigerians deserve better than a state run as a refuge from accountability.

We remain guided by you, Mr President.
Mustapha, wrote from Bakin Kura Street, Bauchi

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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