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Opinion

The Godfather Who Mistook Democracy for Personal Ownership

Published

2 months ago

on

Kano Map

 

Murtala Muhammad Rijiyar Zaki

Democracy is, at its most essential, an act of trust. Citizens go to the polls, cast their votes, and place in the hands of an elected individual the authority to govern on their behalf. That authority is borrowed, not given. It is conditional, not absolute. It belongs, in the final and irreducible sense, to the people who granted it, and it must be exercised in their interest, not in the interest of whoever helped engineer its acquisition. This elementary principle, the very foundation upon which every credible democracy in the world is constructed, is the principle that Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso has spent the better part of three decades systematically, deliberately, and quite unapologetically violating. His violation of it is not accidental. It is not the product of ignorance or misunderstanding. It is the logical expression of a political philosophy that has always placed personal ownership above democratic accountability, and godfather authority above the sovereign will of the people.
To understand the full weight of this charge, one must first understand what godfatherism actually means in the Nigerian political context, and why it is not merely an inconvenient feature of our democracy but a fundamental corruption of it. A political godfather, in the Nigerian tradition, is a figure who uses his resources, his organization, and his influence to install candidates in elective office, with the explicit or implicit understanding that those candidates, once elected, will govern not primarily in the interest of the electorate but in the interest of the godfather. The elected official becomes, in this arrangement, less a representative of the people and more a proxy for the man who put him there. The voters, in this model, are not principals whose mandate the elected official is obligated to honor. They are a mechanism, a crowd to be mobilized and demobilized at the godfather’s discretion, a necessary inconvenience in the process of acquiring and exercising power.
This is the model that has been perfected, refined, and deployed with extraordinary effectiveness across the entire arc of his political career. He did not invent godfatherism in Nigerian politics, and it would be unfair to suggest otherwise. But he has practiced it at a scale, with a sophistication, and with a degree of institutional embedding that sets him apart from the ordinary political patron. Kwankwasiyya is not simply a network of political supporters. It is a parallel governance structure, a shadow administration that has, for years, operated alongside whatever formal government happened to be in power in Kano, always with the understanding that the real decisions, the real appointments, the real directions of policy would be filtered through one man’s judgment and one man’s calculations.
The most instructive way to appreciate the depth of this ownership model is to examine what happened each time a political associate of Kwankwaso dared to exercise the kind of independent judgment that democracy not only permits but actively demands. The case of Governor Abdullahi Ganduje is the first and perhaps most telling exhibit. Ganduje was Kwankwaso’s deputy governor, his chosen running mate, and eventually his personally endorsed successor. He was, by every public indication, a Kwankwasiyya man to the core. When he won the governorship and proceeded to govern Kano as an elected official accountable to Kano’s people rather than as a Kwankwasiyya proxy accountable to its founder, the consequences were swift, bitter, and enormously damaging to Kano’s political stability. war enraged. The two men, former partners and political brothers, became bitter enemies whose conflict consumed years of Kano’s political energy, distorted the state’s governance, and created divisions whose effects are still visible in the state’s political landscape today.
Now, with a precision that suggests not merely repetition but pathology, the same drama is performing itself with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. Abba was Kwankwaso’s political son in the most complete sense of that phrase. He rose through the Kwankwasiyya structure, received the movement’s full organizational support in the 2023 governorship election, and arrived in office as the standard bearer of a movement that had just achieved its most significant electoral victory in years. By the Kwankwasiyya ownership model, Abba was supposed to govern as an instrument of the movement’s will, making appointments that the movement approved, pursuing policies that the movement sanctioned, and maintaining, above all, the fiction that the man in Government House in Kano was the governor while the man who really governed Kano lived elsewhere and wore a red cap.
Abba refused. And in refusing, he did something that deserves to be named clearly and celebrated without reservation: he honored the democratic mandate that the people of Kano had given him. The people of Kano did not vote for Kwankwasiyya’s agenda on the ballot paper they cast in 2023. They voted for Abba Kabir Yusuf. They did not elect a movement to govern them. They elected a man. And that man, exercising the authority that democratic election confers, made decisions that his judgment and his reading of Kano’s interests demanded, including the strategically essential decision to align his government with the federal administration in order to ensure that Kano’s development was not held hostage to one man’s unresolved political grievances.
Kwankwaso’s response to this exercise of democratic independence has been to cry betrayal, to mobilize his movement’s considerable media machinery against the government, and to position himself as a martyr of political ingratitude. But let us be precise about what he is actually saying when he uses the language of betrayal in this context. He is saying that an elected governor who makes decisions without his approval has broken faith with him. He is saying that the democratic mandate of millions of Kano voters is subordinate to his personal expectations. He is saying, with a candor that his language barely conceals, that he considers the governorship of Kano to be, in some meaningful sense, his property, and that its occupant’s primary obligation is not to the electorate but to the man who arranged for his installation. This is not a democratic position. It is the position of a feudal lord who has temporarily misplaced his deed of ownership and wants it returned.
The scholarship program, so frequently invoked as the centerpiece of Kwankwaso’s benevolence, must also be examined in this context of ownership and obligation. It is a program of genuine educational impact, and that impact must be acknowledged. But it was also, by the testimony of its own structure and its own cultural expectations, a mechanism for creating politically indebted citizens. Young men who received Kwankwaso’s scholarships understood, without being told explicitly, that their education came with a political price tag attached. They were expected to be Kwankwasiyya soldiers, to wear the red cap, to attend the rallies, to defend the movement on social media, and to vote, organize, and mobilize as the movement directed. The scholarship was real. The debt it created was equally real. And a democracy in which citizens are politically indebted to a patron for their education is not a functioning democracy. It is a patronage system wearing democracy’s clothing.
There is a further dimension to this ownership model that deserves careful attention, and that is its impact on the quality of governance that Kano has received across the years of Kwankwasiyya’s dominance. When a governor knows that his political survival depends not on satisfying his electorate but on satisfying his godfather, his incentives are fundamentally distorted. He makes appointments that the godfather approves rather than appointments that competence recommends. He pursues policies that maintain the movement’s patronage networks rather than policies that address the state’s developmental needs. He manages information to protect the movement’s image rather than managing resources to improve the people’s lives. The distortion is systematic, and its costs, while difficult to quantify in any single instance, accumulate across years of governance into a development deficit of enormous proportions. Kano’s persistent structural challenges, its unemployment crisis, its struggling industrial base, its dependence on federal allocations, these are not merely the products of bad luck or difficult circumstances. They are, in significant part, the products of a governance model that has been answerable to the wrong principal for far too long.
It is worth pausing here to consider what genuine political mentorship, as opposed to godfatherism, actually looks like. A true political mentor invests in the development of younger leaders because he believes that stronger leaders produce better governance for the people he loves. He gives his mentees the tools, the networks, and the confidence to govern independently and excellently. He celebrates their independence as evidence that his investment has matured. He measures his own legacy not by how many proxies he controls but by how many excellent leaders he has released into public service. By every one of these measures, Kwankwaso’s relationship with his political sons fails the test comprehensively. He has not produced independent leaders. He has produced dependents, and when they outgrow their dependence, he has declared war on them. The pattern is too consistent, too repetitive, and too damaging to be explained as personal disappointment. It is the structural consequence of a political philosophy that was always about ownership rather than mentorship.
The people of Kano have a right, a democratic and a moral right, to a government that is accountable to them and only to them. They have a right to a governor whose first, last, and only political obligation is to the mandate they granted him at the ballot box. They have a right to a political culture in which their votes are the ultimate source of political authority, not a preliminary ceremony that a godfather subsequently ratifies or overrides according to his own judgment. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s refusal to govern as Kwankwaso’s proxy is not a betrayal of democracy. It is democracy’s vindication. It is the system working precisely as its architects intended, returning authority to the people by insisting that their elected representative answers to them and not to the man who helped elect him.
Kwankwaso has spent decades building a movement and decades mistaking that movement for a mandate. He has confused organizational power with democratic legitimacy, confusing the ability to mobilize crowds with the right to govern through proxies, confusing the gratitude of scholarship beneficiaries with the sovereign consent of an electorate. These are not small confusions. They are the fundamental errors of a man who has been at the center of Nigerian democracy long enough to know better, and who has chosen, repeatedly and consequentially, not to.
Nigeria’s democracy is young, imperfect, and perpetually under pressure from precisely the forces that Kwankwaso represents: the forces that would reduce elections to expensive ceremonies legitimizing predetermined outcomes, that would convert public office into private property, and that would transform the people’s sovereign authority into a godfather’s personal asset. Every time a governor like Abba Kabir Yusuf insists on governing for his people rather than for his patron, he pushes back against those forces. Every time Kwankwaso responds to that insistence with outrage and accusations of betrayal, he reveals, with an honesty that his political communications never intend, exactly what he believed he owned and exactly why he was always wrong to believe it.
Kano does not belong to Kwankwaso. It never did. And the sooner his political calculations are made to reckon with that elementary democratic truth, the sooner the state can complete the transition from a political culture of patronage and ownership to one of accountability and genuine service. That transition is already underway. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, by the simple act of governing for the people who elected him, has done more to advance it than any political speech or manifesto could have achieved. That is not betrayal. That is, at long last, democracy beginning to mean what it was always supposed to mean in Kano.

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Forgotten Educational Dream: A Reflection on the Future We Once Prepared For

Published

2 days ago

on

May 28, 2026

By

 

By Zubair A. Zubair

This evening, Dr. Nelson Aluya shared a video link with me on Instagram, and out of curiosity, I quickly watched it. What I expected to be an ordinary historical clip turned out to be something deeply emotional and thought-provoking.

The footage was from the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the period leading to Nigeria’s independence. It captured scenes of Nigerian students in classrooms, laboratories, technical centers, and learning environments that reflected preparation for a nation believed to have a bright and promising future. What struck me most was the condition of the educational institutions at the time, especially in Northern Nigeria.

The classrooms looked organized and conducive for learning. The science laboratories were functional and properly equipped. Students appeared disciplined, ambitious, and intellectually driven. Education was clearly treated as a national investment, not merely as a social obligation.

Watching the video left me with one painful question: How did we get it so wrong?

At independence, Nigeria was seen as a rising giant with enormous human and natural potential. Northern Nigeria, in particular, was being positioned as an important pillar for the country’s advancement in agriculture, science, innovation, and technology. There was a visible belief that education would shape the nation’s future and produce the skilled minds required to compete globally.

Decades later, however, many of those hopes appear abandoned. The same educational institutions that once symbolized excellence and promise are now struggling with inadequate funding, deteriorating infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms, outdated laboratories, and recurring strikes. In some schools today, students learn in environments that are far below the standards that existed before independence.

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That reality is heartbreaking.

What makes it even more painful is the realization that many of the people who benefited from quality education in the past are now among the leaders presiding over the decline of the same system that once empowered them. A generation that studied in functional classrooms and laboratories now oversees institutions where millions of young people struggle daily for basic educational resources.

Some people often describe Gen Z as lazy or unserious, but when one carefully observes the state of many Nigerian educational institutions, it becomes difficult not to sympathize with the frustration of young people. Students are expected to compete globally while learning in poorly equipped environments, facing unstable academic calendars, limited research opportunities, and little institutional support.

Yet despite these obstacles, Nigerian youths continue to demonstrate extraordinary brilliance across the world. From medicine and engineering to software development, research, entrepreneurship, agriculture, and innovation, Nigerians consistently excel whenever they are given the right opportunities and environment.

This is why education must once again become the backbone of national development. Countries such as China and India transformed their economies largely through sustained investment in education, technology, research, and innovation. No nation can genuinely aspire for progress while neglecting the intellectual development of its people.

As Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Those words remain profoundly relevant today.

The old video I watched this evening was more than a historical memory. It was a reminder of the Nigeria our leaders once envisioned, a nation prepared to compete with the best in the world through knowledge, discipline, and innovation. It reminded me that our present condition was never meant to be our destiny.

Perhaps this is why individuals like Dr. Nelson Aluya continue to advocate passionately for youth empowerment, educational advancement, and social development through initiatives such as Youth Together Work Together (YTWT), aimed at helping young people break barriers and rewrite the narrative surrounding Nigerian youth.

Nigeria still possesses some of the brightest minds in the world. What is lacking is not talent, but consistent investment, visionary leadership, and a genuine commitment to rebuilding the institutions that shape the future.

The tragedy is not that Nigeria lacked a dream.
The tragedy is that somewhere along the journey, we stopped believing in it.

Zubair A. Zubair
Journalist | Columnist | Developer | Activist | Farmer
Writing from Kano, Nigeria.

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Opinion

Nusuk Policy and the New Face of Hajj: How Saudi Arabia is Restoring Order, Safety and Spiritual Comfort in the Holy Cities

Published

4 days ago

on

May 26, 2026

By

 

By: Lamara Garba

For decades, the annual Hajj pilgrimage has remained one of the largest religious gatherings on earth, attracting millions of Muslims from every continent to the holy cities of Makkah and Madina in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. While the pilgrimage is spiritually uplifting, it has also historically come with enormous logistical challenges, including overcrowding, congestion, heat-related emergencies, and at times tragic stampedes within the holy sites.

But this year’s Hajj exercise has introduced a different reality — one defined by orderliness, effective crowd management, improved security, and a smoother spiritual experience for pilgrims. At the center of this transformation is the introduction of the Nusuk policy by the Saudi authorities, a digital regulatory framework that has significantly reduced illegal participation in Hajj and restored sanity to the holy sites.

The policy, introduced through the Nusuk digital application, ensures that only duly registered and approved pilgrims are granted access to the sacred rituals and locations associated with Hajj. From visa processing to accommodation, transportation, identification, and access to the holy sites, every pilgrim must now be fully captured within the Nusuk system.

Anyone not registered on the platform is automatically denied access to key locations including the Grand Mosque in Makkah, the Prophet’s Mosque in Madina, Mina, Muzdalifah, and Arafat.

This decisive policy appears to have achieved what many observers once considered impossible — a massive reduction in overcrowding during Hajj.

For years, one of the major concerns during Hajj was the infiltration of undocumented pilgrims, especially illegal immigrants and unregistered worshippers from neighboring countries and parts of Africa. Many entered the holy cities without official Hajj permits, thereby overstretching facilities and contributing heavily to congestion around the sacred sites.

The situation often made movement difficult for genuine pilgrims who had spent huge sums of money to perform the religious obligation through approved channels.

However, this year, the story is remarkably different.

Our correspondent, who is currently participating in the pilgrimage, observed a calmer and more organized atmosphere both in Madinatul Munawwara and within the precincts of the Grand Mosque of Ka’aba.

Unlike previous years when worshippers struggled through human traffic for hours before getting access to prayer spaces or performing Tawaf around the Holy Ka’aba, pilgrims now experience relative ease in conducting their acts of worship.

In what would have seemed unimaginable in the past, this reporter was able to complete the Tawaf — the circumambulation around the Ka’aba — within just 30 minutes due to reduced congestion and improved movement coordination by Saudi officials.

The atmosphere around the Mataf area was notably less chaotic. Pilgrims moved with greater comfort, fewer physical struggles, and better concentration during prayers and supplications.

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Many pilgrims who spoke with our correspondent expressed satisfaction over the new arrangements, describing the Nusuk policy as a timely intervention that has enhanced both safety and spirituality during Hajj.

A pilgrim from Kano State, Alhaji Musa Abdullahi, said the difference between this year and previous pilgrimages was “clear and undeniable.”

“In the past, people pushed one another because of overcrowding. Sometimes elderly pilgrims suffered greatly. But this year, movement is easier and security personnel are more effective because they know exactly who is authorized to be here,” he explained.

Another Nigerian pilgrim, Hajiya Zainab Suleiman, described her experience in Madina as peaceful and spiritually fulfilling.

“You can now enter the mosque, pray peacefully and leave without unnecessary pressure. Before now, some people spent hours struggling just to find space. The Nusuk arrangement has brought discipline,” she stated.

A pilgrim from Ghana, Ibrahim Mustapha, also commended the Saudi authorities for what he called a “technology-driven success.”

“The authorities deserve appreciation. This system has reduced illegal entries and helped genuine pilgrims enjoy their worship. You can feel the difference immediately you arrive,” he noted.

Beyond comfort, the policy is also being viewed as a major safety achievement.

Hajj history has witnessed several unfortunate incidents linked to overcrowding and uncontrolled human movement. Managing millions of pilgrims within confined spaces under extreme temperatures has always remained a daunting responsibility for Saudi authorities.

But by tightening access through digital verification and restricting movement only to registered pilgrims, the Kingdom appears to have significantly minimized the risks associated with uncontrolled crowds.

Security personnel stationed across the holy sites now rely heavily on electronic verification systems linked to the Nusuk application. Pilgrims without valid permits are quickly identified and prevented from accessing sensitive areas.

The policy has equally improved transportation coordination, accommodation management, feeding arrangements, and emergency response services.

Observers believe the new system represents a major shift in how modern Hajj administration will be conducted in the future.

Saudi Arabia has in recent years invested heavily in digital technology, smart crowd-control systems, artificial intelligence, surveillance networks, and infrastructure expansion aimed at improving the pilgrimage experience.

The Nusuk initiative appears to be another major milestone in that direction.

Despite initial concerns in some quarters that the strict regulations could inconvenience intending pilgrims, many now believe the long-term benefits outweigh the challenges.

Religious scholars and Hajj administrators argue that preserving human life and ensuring pilgrims perform their religious obligations safely should remain the top priority.

Indeed, for many pilgrims, the reduced crowd this year has brought back the true essence of worship — devotion, reflection, patience, and spiritual connection without the constant fear of suffocation or physical struggle.

Inside the Grand Mosque, worshippers now spend more time in contemplation rather than battling human congestion. Elderly pilgrims and women especially appear to benefit from the calmer environment.

At Mina and Arafat, where overcrowding traditionally reaches alarming levels during peak Hajj periods, officials have also maintained tighter control of movement using the Nusuk verification process.

Many pilgrims interviewed described the exercise as one of the smoothest Hajj operations witnessed in recent years.

While no system is entirely perfect, the Saudi authorities appear to have demonstrated that effective technology, strict enforcement, and proper planning can substantially improve one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings.

As millions of Muslims continue to arrive for the sacred rites, one message is becoming increasingly clear: the era of uncontrolled and illegal Hajj participation may gradually be coming to an end.

And for genuine pilgrims seeking spiritual fulfillment in peace, safety and dignity, that may be one of the most important developments in modern Hajj administration.

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Opinion

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo: The Young African Visionary Redefining Education, Innovation and Human Development Across Continents

Published

6 days ago

on

May 24, 2026

By

 

By Musa Abdullahi Sufi

In an era where Africa continues to search for transformational leaders capable of bridging the gaps between education, innovation, entrepreneurship and humanitarian development, one name is increasingly standing out across the continent and beyond — Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo.

From Northern Nigeria to the global academic landscape, Professor Gwarzo has emerged as a symbol of visionary leadership, educational transformation and youth-driven development. His story is not merely one of personal success; it is a remarkable movement dedicated to empowering humanity through knowledge, innovation, research, healthcare support, youth empowerment and international collaboration.

At a relatively young age, Professor Gwarzo has achieved what many institutions and governments struggle to accomplish within decades. His rapidly expanding educational, humanitarian and developmental footprints have positioned him among the most influential education reformers and social impact leaders in contemporary Africa.

Building a Pan-African Educational Revolution

The rise of Professor Gwarzo reflects the growing emergence of African-led solutions to African challenges. Through the establishment and expansion of globally oriented universities and academic institutions, he has created opportunities for thousands of students from diverse nationalities, cultures and socioeconomic backgrounds.

Among the institutions linked to his transformational vision is Maryam Abacha American University of Nigeria, an institution that has rapidly gained attention for promoting international standards in higher education, innovation, research and multicultural learning. The university has become a meeting point for students from across Africa and other parts of the world.

What distinguishes Professor Gwarzo’s educational philosophy is his emphasis on practical knowledge, global competitiveness, entrepreneurship and moral development. Rather than producing graduates who merely seek employment, his institutions encourage innovation, leadership and problem-solving capabilities that respond directly to modern societal challenges.

His educational investments extend beyond classrooms. They include scholarships for underprivileged students, support for female education, and promoting science and technology.

Others include youth leadership development, research partnerships, international academic collaborations and community-based development initiatives. In many ways, his work reflects the educational renaissance Africa urgently needs.

A Vision Beyond Profit

Unlike many private educational ventures driven primarily by commercial interests, Professor Gwarzo’s initiatives consistently demonstrate a deeper humanitarian philosophy. His interventions in healthcare, youth empowerment, women development and humanitarian support reveal a leadership model centered on societal transformation.

Through the Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo Foundation, countless lives have reportedly benefited from educational support, healthcare interventions, water and sanitation initiatives, climate-related advocacy and empowerment programs.

His development model aligns strongly with several global development priorities, including, quality education, gender Equality, poverty reduction, youth empowerment
* Innovation and Infrastructure, good Health and Well-being and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

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At a time when many African youths face unemployment, migration pressures and limited educational opportunities, Professor Gwarzo’s institutions and initiatives are creating pathways of hope and opportunity.

Why Professor Gwarzo Deserves Global Recognition

The growing calls for Professor Gwarzo to receive international recognition, including potential consideration in global record and achievement platforms such as Guinness World Records, are not without merit.

Several factors strengthen such arguments. Among them listed below;

1. Extraordinary Educational Expansion at a Young Age

Professor Gwarzo represents one of the youngest African educational entrepreneurs to establish and support multiple internationally recognized academic institutions with rapidly expanding continental influence.

The scale, speed and societal impact of these accomplishments are rare within Africa’s educational sector.

2. Cross-Continental Academic Influence

His educational and institutional collaborations continue to connect Africa with global academic communities through research partnerships, exchange programs and international learning opportunities.

This has significantly contributed to improving Africa’s visibility within global education networks.

3. Massive Human Capital Development

Thousands of students, researchers, professionals and young innovators have benefited directly and indirectly from his investments in education and development.

The long-term impact of such human capital development may continue shaping societies for generations.

4. Combining Education With Humanitarian Impact

Very few academic entrepreneurs successfully integrate education, philanthropy, healthcare advocacy, youth empowerment and innovation ecosystems simultaneously at such scale.

Professor Gwarzo’s multidimensional approach distinguishes him from conventional educational investors.

5. Promoting Africa’s Positive Global Image

At a time when global narratives about Africa often focus on conflict, poverty and instability, Professor Gwarzo’s achievements project a different story — one of innovation, excellence, resilience and transformational leadership.

His institutions are helping position Africa as a center for intellectual growth and global competitiveness.

Inspiring a New Generation of African Youths

Perhaps the most powerful aspect of Professor Gwarzo’s story is the inspiration it provides to millions of young Africans.

His journey demonstrates that young Africans can build world-class institutions, v can overcome limitations, education remains the greatest investment, philanthropy and entrepreneurship can coexist and Africa can produce globally respected innovators and reformers.

In many developing societies, youths are often discouraged by economic hardship, political instability and limited opportunities. Yet Professor Gwarzo’s achievements offer a compelling counter-narrative: that transformational leadership is possible even within challenging environments.

His rise also challenges African elites, policymakers and private sector leaders to invest more aggressively in education, research, innovation and youth development.

The Future of African Transformation

Africa’s future will depend heavily on visionary individuals capable of transforming ideas into institutions and institutions into societal impact.

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo’s expanding legacy suggests that he belongs to a new generation of African builders whose influence may extend far beyond national borders.

As global conversations increasingly focus on sustainable development, knowledge economies and youth empowerment, leaders like Professor Gwarzo may become central figures in redefining Africa’s future trajectory.

His work represents more than personal accomplishment; it reflects a broader movement toward African self-reliance, intellectual advancement and transformational development.

If sustained and expanded, his vision may continue producing ripple effects across education, innovation, healthcare and human development for decades to come.

And in the history of modern African transformation, his name may well stand among those who chose not merely to succeed personally — but to build systems capable of uplifting humanity itself.

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