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๐— ๐˜† ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—š๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—ง๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ถ, ๐—ฆ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐—œ๐—ฌ๐—– ๐—˜๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป ๐—ญ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ

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๐‘ฉ๐’š ๐‘น๐’†๐’™-๐‘ซ๐’‚๐’๐’Š๐’†๐’ ๐‘จ๐’Ž๐’†๐’“๐’Š๐’Œ๐’‚ ๐‘ป๐’‚๐’Ž๐’–๐’๐’๐’Š๐’Ž๐’ƒ๐’–

Gabriel Tomoniโ€™s recent broadcast attacking the Rivers Ijaw Peoplesโ€™ Congress (RIPCO) is not only disappointing, it is deeply misdirected, emotional, and constitutionally hollow.
RIPCO did not issue its statement out of malice, betrayal, or hostility to the Ijaw Nation.

We spoke from history, from facts, and from a deep understanding of political reality; three things that cannot be replaced by ethnic chest-beating.
Let us be clear from the outset:

Nyesom Wike is not an enemy of the Ijaw Nation. Any attempt by the INC or IYC to frame him as such is intellectually dishonest and historically false.

๐‘ถ๐’ ๐‘พ๐’Š๐’Œ๐’† ๐‘จ๐’๐’… ๐‘ฐ๐’‹๐’‚๐’˜ ๐‘ฐ๐’๐’•๐’†๐’“๐’†๐’”๐’•๐’” – ๐‘ญ๐’‚๐’„๐’•๐’”, ๐‘ต๐’๐’• ๐‘บ๐’†๐’๐’•๐’Š๐’Ž๐’†๐’๐’•

Since becoming Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike has facilitated over 20 federal appointments for Ijaw sons and daughters; the highest concentration of Ijaw federal appointments within a single political season in our history.

This is not propaganda. These appointments are verifiable in public records across federal boards, agencies, commissions, and ministerial structures.
For the avoidance of doubt:

Even during the presidency of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, the Ijaw Nation did not record this volume of strategic federal placements.

Influence in Nigerian politics is measured by access, appointments, and leverage, not by slogans and street rhetoric.

๐‘พ๐’‰๐’†๐’ ๐‘พ๐’Š๐’Œ๐’† ๐‘พ๐’‚๐’” ๐‘ฎ๐’๐’—๐’†๐’“๐’๐’๐’“, ๐‘พ๐’‰๐’ ๐‘ฉ๐’†๐’๐’†๐’‡๐’Š๐’•๐’†๐’…?

As Governor of Rivers State, Wike deliberately zoned virtually all critical power blocs of government to Ijaw interests, including:

– Key security-sensitive offices
– Revenue and infrastructure-driven ministries
– Strategic political and administrative appointments
– This was not accidental. It was intentional inclusion.

Yet today, the same man is being branded an โ€œenemyโ€ by those who benefited most from his decisions.

– That is not activism.
– That is political amnesia.

๐‘ป๐’‰๐’† 24-๐’€๐’†๐’‚๐’“ ๐‘ฎ๐’๐’—๐’†๐’“๐’๐’๐’“๐’”๐’‰๐’Š๐’‘ ๐‘ซ๐’“๐’๐’–๐’ˆ๐’‰๐’•; ๐‘พ๐’‰๐’ ๐‘ญ๐’Š๐’™๐’†๐’… ๐‘ฐ๐’•?

Let history speak plainly.

After Dr. Peter Odili, Ijaws endured a 24-year governorship drought in Rivers State, dominated largely by Ikwere political succession.

Even Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, despite being Ijaw, and married to an Ijaw woman, could not produce an Ijaw Governor in Rivers State.

Why?
Because at critical moments, Ijaw political elites (Jonathan’s) abandoned their own credible sons, including:

– Abiye Sekibo
– George Sekibo
– Sampson Parker
– Tammy Danagogo
and others

They were abandoned not because they lacked competence, but because political pragmatism – not ethnic sentiment – favoured Wike as the only man capable of dismantling the Amaechi succession machine.

Those same Ijaw elites (Jonathan’s) rallied behind Wike, because they knew power respects capacity, not ancestry.

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๐‘ฏ๐’๐’˜ ๐‘บ๐’Š๐’Ž ๐‘ญ๐’–๐’ƒ๐’‚๐’“๐’‚ ๐‘ฉ๐’†๐’„๐’‚๐’Ž๐’† ๐‘ฎ๐’๐’—๐’†๐’“๐’๐’๐’“, ๐‘ณ๐’†๐’• ๐‘ผ๐’” ๐‘ต๐’๐’• ๐‘ณ๐’Š๐’† ๐‘ป๐’ ๐‘ถ๐’–๐’“๐’”๐’†๐’๐’—๐’†๐’”

It was Nyesom Wike – not the IYC, not the INC – that personally took responsibility to produce an Ijaw Governor in Siminalayi Fubara after 24 years of exclusion.

He had other viable options:
– Ogoni
– Ikwere
Yet he chose Ijaw.

That decision restructured Rivers politics permanently.

Three months into office, however, Governor Fubara turned against the very political structure that brought him to power.

Call it independence if you like – but rebellion without constitutional discipline is recklessness.

๐‘ช๐’๐’๐’”๐’•๐’Š๐’•๐’–๐’•๐’Š๐’๐’ ๐‘จ๐’ƒ๐’๐’—๐’† ๐‘ฌ๐’•๐’‰๐’๐’Š๐’„๐’Š๐’•๐’š

This is where Gabriel Tomoni and his allies have failed the Ijaw Nation.

The Rivers crisis is no longer about Wike vs Fubara.
– It is about law vs impunity.
– The Supreme Court has ruled.
– The Constitution is clear.
– A Governor cannot lawfully spend public funds without presenting a budget.
– Persistent refusal constitutes gross misconduct.

Instead of mediating and calling their โ€œsonโ€ to order, the INC and IYC chose ethnic bias over constitutional responsibility – openly cheering actions that undermine the rule of law.

– That is dangerous precedent.
– Today it favours an Ijaw man.
– Tomorrow it will destroy an Ijaw administration.

๐‘ถ๐’ ๐‘ฐ๐’Ž๐’‘๐’†๐’‚๐’„๐’‰๐’Ž๐’†๐’๐’• – ๐‘ฉ๐’๐’‚๐’Ž๐’† ๐‘ป๐’‰๐’† ๐‘ช๐’‚๐’–๐’”๐’†, ๐‘ต๐’๐’• ๐‘ป๐’‰๐’† ๐‘ท๐’“๐’๐’„๐’†๐’”๐’”

If the Rivers State House of Assembly is moving toward impeachment, it is not because Fubara is Ijaw.

It is because:
– Court judgments are being ignored
– Legislative authority is being undermined
– Public funds are being spent outside constitutional limits

* No ethnic organization should defend illegality.
* Ijaw dignity is not protected by lawlessness.

๐‘พ๐’‰๐’š ๐‘น๐‘ฐ๐‘ท๐‘ช๐‘ถ ๐‘ป๐’๐’๐’Œ ๐‘ฐ๐’•๐’” ๐‘บ๐’•๐’‚๐’๐’„๐’†

Rivers Ijaw Peoplesโ€™ Congress has a simple, principled position:
– Yes, Fubara is our son.
– But the Constitution is superior to bloodlines.
– Wike stood by the law, the Assembly, and institutional order.
– We owe gratitude, not war, to the man who restored Ijaw relevance in Rivers politics.

โ€ข Politics is memory.
โ€ข Politics is reciprocity.
โ€ข Politics punishes ingratitude.

If the Ijaw Nation is seen as hostile to allies after benefiting from them, other ethnic blocs will think twice before supporting an Ijaw cause in the future.

๐‘จ ๐‘พ๐’๐’“๐’… ๐‘ป๐’ ๐‘ฎ๐’‚๐’ƒ๐’“๐’Š๐’†๐’ ๐‘ป๐’๐’Ž๐’๐’๐’Š

Gabriel Tomoni should redirect his courage.
Instead of attacking RIPCO, he should:

โ€ข Admonish Governor Fubara to obey court judgments
โ€ข Demand constitutional compliance
โ€ข Call for reconciliation, not escalation
โ€ข Defend the rule of law, not selective ethnicity
โ€ข That is leadership.

๐‘ญ๐’Š๐’๐’‚๐’ ๐‘ธ๐’–๐’†๐’”๐’•๐’Š๐’๐’ ๐‘ป๐’ ๐‘ป๐’‰๐’† ๐‘ฐ๐’€๐‘ช/๐‘ฐ๐‘ต๐‘ช

In three years, what tangible political capital has Governor Fubara delivered to the Ijaw Nation – locally or nationally?
Now compare that to:

– What Wike did in his first tenure as Governor
– What he is still doing today as FCT Minister
– Then answer honestly:

Who has truly proven himself a son of the Ijaw Nation – even if adopted?

๐‘ณ๐’†๐’• ๐‘ด๐’† ๐‘ฌ๐’๐’„๐’๐’๐’”๐’† ๐‘ป๐’‰๐’† ๐‘ป๐’Š๐’‘ ๐’๐’‡ ๐‘ด๐’š ๐‘ท๐’†๐’ ๐‘พ๐’Š๐’•๐’‰ ๐‘ป๐’‰๐’†๐’”๐’† ๐‘พ๐’๐’“๐’…๐’”:

RIPCO stands firm.
We choose:

โ€ข Law over lawlessness
โ€ข Strategy over sentiment
โ€ข Gratitude over ingratitude
โ€ข The future of the Ijaw Nation over temporary emotional applause
โ€ข Wisdom is knowing when to fight and when not to destroy the ladder that lifted you.

โ€ข Rivers Ijaw Peoplesโ€™ Congress is on the right side of history.

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NCC to Enforce Subscriber Compensation for Poor Telecom Service

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian Communications Commission has announced that its directive mandating telecommunications operators to compensate subscribers for poor service quality will take effect from this month.

The Commission disclosed this in a Frequently Asked Questions document released on Tuesday, offering clarity on how the compensation framework will work and which subscribers qualify.

According to the NCC, the directive applies specifically to Mobile Network Operators that fail to meet the required Key Performance Indicators for Quality of Service. These operators include major players such as MTN Nigeria, Airtel Nigeria, Globacom, and 9mobile, although the Commission did not specify which of them fell short of the standards.

The NCC noted that a separate compensation framework already exists for Internet Service Providers.

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Under the new directive, compensation will cover service failures affecting voice calls, data services, and SMS. To qualify, subscribers must have experienced poor network service in an affected Local Government Area and must have carried out at least one revenue-generating activityโ€”such as a billed call, SMS, or data sessionโ€”within the period in question.

The Commission added that both individual and corporate subscribers are eligible for compensation.

Importantly, the NCC stated that subscribers will not need to apply to receive compensation. Instead, telecom operators are mandated to automatically identify affected customers and compensate them directly.

“The compensation framework will take effect from April 2026.

“No. The directive does not replace existing consumer protection mechanisms. It adds a direct compensation mechanism for affected subscribers. It aligns with measures set in existing legislation, such as the Consumer Code of Practice Regulations 2024 and the Quality of Service Regulations 2024,” NCC said

โ€œOperators are required and mandated to identify affected subscribers and provide compensation directly. Only service failures that fall below the defined thresholds set by the Quality of Service Regulations will qualify,” NCC said.

However, the regulator clarified that minor or short-lived network disruptions that are quickly resolved may not meet the threshold for compensation.

The move is part of the NCCโ€™s broader efforts to improve service delivery and hold telecom operators accountable for consistent network performance across the country.

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ADC Leadership Tussle Worsens as Third Faction Emerges, Rejects Nafiu Camp, Markโ€™s Coalition

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

A new faction within the African Democratic Congress has surfaced, rejecting the authority of the Senator David Mark-led coalition and distancing itself from Nafiu Balaโ€™s faction.

According to Africa Independent Television, the faction led by Don Norman Obinna claims to represent the legitimate National Executive Committee of the party.

The group says it is stepping in to manage the partyโ€™s affairs ahead of the next national convention.

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At a briefing in Abuja on Tuesday, the group stated that โ€œThe tenure of Ralph Nwosu, who handed the party to the David Mark group, had ended in August 2022, and afterwards, he (Nwosu) had faced a series of litigations due to his failure to step down.โ€

The faction also clarified the status of Nafiu Bala, noting that he โ€œnever held the position of National Vice Chairman,โ€ and affirmed that former ADC presidential candidate โ€œDumebi Kachikwu is still a member of ADCโ€

The group further disclosed that new interim leaders have been appointed to oversee party activities, ensuring continuity until the national convention is held.

The remarks come amid an ongoing leadership crisis within the ADC, which has seen rival factions contest control of the party. The Independent National Electoral Commission recently withdrew recognition of the partyโ€™s leadership under former Senate President David Mark.

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Internal Crisis Deepens in Jigawa APC as High-Profile Defections Threaten Party Cohesion

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Jigawa State is grappling with its most significant internal crisis in years, as a wave of defections by prominent political figures threatens to erode the partyโ€™s structural integrity and electoral prospects.

The growing discontent is widely attributed to allegations of poor party management and the marginalisation of key stakeholders under Governor Umar Namadi. His leadership style has come under increasing scrutiny from within party ranks, with critics pointing to a breakdown in internal consensus-building.

Political observers trace the roots of the crisis to a strained relationship between Governor Namadi and his political benefactor, former Governor Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, as well as his financial backer, Isa Gerawa. Although both men remain in the APC, sources familiar with the situation report lingering resentment over what they perceive as a systematic exclusion from decision-making processes and party affairs.

This โ€œcold warโ€ at the highest levels of the party hierarchy has created factions and widened fissures across the APCโ€™s political base in Jigawa. Analysts warn that if left unresolved, the discord could severely undermine party unity and weaken its performance in future elections.

The crisis has now manifested in a string of high-profile defections involving former lawmakers, ex-party executives, and grassroots mobilisers.

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Leading the list are former Senators Sabo Nakudu, who represented Jigawa South-West from 2015 to 2023, and Muhammad Ubali Shitu, a longtime political associate of the governor who served in the Senate from 2015 to 2019. Senator Nakuduโ€™s defection is particularly symbolic, as he previously contested the APC governorship ticket against Namadi. His relationship with former Governor Badaru reportedly soured after Badaru backed Namadi during the primaries. Notably, Nakudu and Badaru have since reconciled, united by their mutual opposition to the current governor.

The departure of former party chairmen further underscores the depth of the crisis. Ado Sani Kiri, who chaired the party from 2014 to 2019 and also served as a commissioner and member of the House of Representatives, has left the party, as has Aminu Keskes, who led the party from 2019 to 2023 and previously served as Gumel Local Government chairman and chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) in the state.

Also among the defectors is Bala Usman Chamo, a former Social Investment Programme coordinator and Dutse Local Government chairman, widely regarded as a key grassroots organiser. Their exit is seen as a major blow to the partyโ€™s strength, given their influence across various political blocs in the state.

The crisis has also penetrated the governorโ€™s inner circle, with several political appointees resigning from their positions and quitting the party. Two serving special advisers have stepped down, including one reportedly preparing to contest for a seat in the House of Representatives under the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC). Additionally, six senior special assistants and two special assistants have resigned, all citing dissatisfaction with the current direction of the party.

One of the most notable exits is that of Zakari Kafin Hausa, a former senior special assistant who played a central role in organising Governor Namadiโ€™s campaign and mobilising the support that led to his emergence as governor. His defection is viewed by insiders as a significant indicator of deepening cracks within the governorโ€™s inner circle.

Perhaps most damaging to the APCโ€™s political machinery is the defection of at least 17 former local government chairmen. These figures are critical to grassroots mobilisation, electoral coordination, and voter outreach. Their exit signals a potential collapse of the partyโ€™s local structures, raising serious concerns about the APCโ€™s ability to secure the mandatory 25 percent of votes in the state during future presidential elections.

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