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The Nigeria US Story on Genocide- Ismail Auwal

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By Ismail Auwal

When a country is placed on Americas Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list, it never remains a technical diplomatic category. It becomes a permanent shadow that trails the nation into investment discussions, military cooperation and the private rooms where powerful actors decide who to trust. Nigeria now carries that shadow, and for a country already overwhelmed by multiple security emergencies, the weight of this designation is neither abstract nor symbolic. It is political, economic and potentially destabilising.
The most worrying aspect is that the designation rests on a narrative that fractures upon contact with reality: the claim that Nigeria is enabling a Christian genocide. It is a narrative that sounds coherent in Washingtons hearing rooms, where testimonies are polished and emotions are guided. Yet once you step away from those rooms and into the communities where violence shapes the rhythm of daily life, the story changes completely.

A Narrative Travelling Faster Than Truth
The genocide narrative spreads quickly because it offers a clean explanation for a crisis that is anything but clean. It moves through congressional hearings, diaspora networks, lobbying circles and social-media echo chambers that seldom include those who bury their loved ones at dawn. In those distant spaces, the narrative feels straightforward and morally comfortable, but on Nigerian soil, it dissolves into a far more complex and painful reality.
In Zamfara, over four hundred villages, mostly Muslim, have been emptied by bandits who kill for profit and control, not in the name of faith. In Katsina and Sokoto, entire communities have disappeared from maps, destroyed by criminal groups with no ideological agenda.
In Plateau, twenty-five Muslim travellers were dragged from their vehicles and murdered in broad daylight by mobs from nearby Christian communities. In Anambra, Harira Jibril, pregnant and exhausted, was killed alongside her four children simply because gunmen identified them as Muslims.
These stories do not erase the suffering of Christian families who face similar horrors. Instead, they reveal what the genocide narrative refuses to confront: the violence in Nigeria does not travel in one direction. It shifts according to geography, vulnerability, and an almost two-decade-long crack in the state’s security architecture. Just as Muslims do not assign collective guilt to Christians, Christians cannot assign collective blame to all Muslims for the crimes of extremists who misuse faith.

Where the Evidence Falls Apart
Genocide is not a rhetorical weapon; it is a legal term defined by intent. It requires a deliberate plan to exterminate a group of people because of who they are. Nigerias conflict landscape does not support that claim. In the North East, Boko Haram targets Christians and Muslims alike, killing clerics who oppose extremism, villagers who refuse allegiance and children caught in crossfire. More than two million peopleof mixed faithslive in displacement camps, united not by creed but by vulnerability.
In the North West, the violence is driven by banditry, ransom economies and territorial capture. Armed groups raid for money, power and fear, not ideology, and their victims are overwhelmingly Muslim. In the Middle Belt, a different logic governs the conflict: old land disputes, generational grievances and cycles of retaliation. More than ten thousand people have been killed across Plateau, Benue, Katsina and Kebbi in just two years, yet none of these killings reflect a coordinated national extermination plan.
Across the country, the devastation is staggering: thousands of villages razed, millions displaced and livelihoods erased. Still, no pattern points to state-sponsored religious cleansing. Nigerias crisis is a knot of collapsing borders, unregulated weapons, drug-fuelled gangs, under-resourced security forces and abandoned communities struggling to survive without the protection of their own government.

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When Foreign Narratives Replace Local Truth
The danger begins when a single narrative becomes the only lens through which a country is understood. Sympathy for Christian victims is legitimate, but when that sympathy becomes exclusive, Muslim victims vanish entirely from the story. Their widows do not appear in Washington. Their mass graves do not trend. Their displacement does not register in global reports. A national tragedy becomes a one-directional script, and in that script, the failures of governance disappear behind the simplified idea of religious persecution.
Once this misdiagnosed story takes root in Washington, policies begin to bend around it. Sanctions are proposed as moral pressure. Restrictions on arms sales are framed as accountability. Intervention is whispered as a last resort. These policies do not ask whether the next life at risk belongs to a Christian grandmother in Zangon Kataf or a Muslim farmer in Zurmi. They strike everyone equally, often worsening insecurity for those already living at the edge of danger.
The Grief That Defines the Crisis
In Kaduna, three years ago, I sat with a widow who lost her husband in a night attack. She did not know the attackers or their motives. All she knew was that when gunshots shattered the silence, no one came to helpnot the nearby police post, not the patrol team she had been assured would protect them, not the state she believed would stand between her family and danger. Her grief was neither Christian nor Muslim. It was the grief of a Nigerian who discovered, in one devastating moment, that she was on her own.
Her story echoes across northern Nigeria. In Katsina, a man from Dansadau recounted how bandits demanded a “tax” of ₦200,000 in exchange for peace. When villagers failed to pay, the killings began, farms were abandoned, and hunger forced families across the border. Over eighty thousand Nigerians now live as refugees in Niger’s Maradi region, while nearly four hundred thousand are displaced across Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara. Many do not appear in the data of Washington because they are Muslims?
They sleep in classrooms, abandoned buildings, unfinished shops and borrowed compounds. Their lives are held together by resilience and charity, not by state protection. From Plateau to Benue to Zamfara, the scenes repeat themselves: midnight escapes, separated families, villages negotiating with bandits and people surviving despite the government, not because of it.

A Crisis Rooted in State Fragility
Nigerias emergency is not a religious war; it is a terrifying manifestation of state fragility. Borders allow weapons to flow freely. Security forces operate with broken vehicles and empty fuel tanks. Criminal groups evolve faster than government responses. In many villages, the most powerful authority is the local bandit leader, not the state. Communities negotiate peace at gunpoint, surrender parts of their harvest as taxes and accept rules imposed by criminals because the state is too weak to govern.
This is not the blueprint of genocide. It is the anatomy of state failure. And it is state failurenot a government-backed religious missionthat is killing Nigerians of all identities.
Reclaiming Nigerias Story
Nigeria cannot allow outsiders to dictate the meaning of its suffering. Foreign partners may care, but they must care responsibly. A misdiagnosed story in Washington becomes a policy, a policy becomes a precedent, and a precedent becomes a long-term obstacle to Nigerias security and development. Sanctions, arms restrictions and diplomatic isolation hit the vulnerable hardest, not the architects of state weakness.
This is why Nigeria must insist on telling its whole truth. A truth that honours Christian and Muslim victims equally. A truth that identifies governance collapsenot religious persecutionas the central driver of violence. A truth that demands stronger institutions, better security responses and international partnerships rooted in accuracy, not ideology. If Nigeria does not reclaim its story, others will continue telling it badly, and when the wrong story becomes the worlds truth, the decisions that follow may be ones Nigeria, in its fragile state, cannot survive.

Opinion

To DSS Boss: What Was Good for Ese Oruru Must Also Be Good for Walida Abdulhadi-Yushau A. Shuaibu

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By Yushau A. Shuaib

Among the current crop of Nigeria’s security chiefs, perhaps none is as widely respected for his professional record as the Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi. Since his assumption of office, he has been celebrated as a quintessential officer—one who is neither a religious bigot nor an ethnocentric partisan. His track record in states like Bauchi and Kaduna reflects a man who understands the delicate fabric of our diverse society and has often supported Muslim communal activities with the same zeal he applies to national security.

It is precisely because of this high regard that I find myself profoundly bewildered. Why is it that this same leadership, credited with a commitment to due process, appears to be wavering in the face of a clear court order? I am referring to the case of Walida Abdulhadi Ibrahim, a young Muslim girl from Jigawa State, and the stalled prosecution of a DSS operative, Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi, accused of her abduction, sexual exploitation, and forced conversion to Christianity.

This disturbing saga echoes the 2015–2016 Ese Oruru case. The nation vividly remembers how a teenage girl from Bayelsa was taken to Kano by Yunusa Dahiru (popularly known as “Yellow”), where she was allegedly converted to Islam and impregnated. The public outcry at the time was overwhelming. The media, civil society, and the international community demanded swift justice.

The Bayelsa State Government under Governor Seriake Dickson intervened decisively — providing medical care, insisting on a thorough investigation, and ensuring prosecution. Yunusa Dahiru was eventually convicted and jailed. Ese Oruru received rehabilitation and later graduated from the University of Ilorin in flying colour

In my recent essay, “From Ese Oruru to Walida: Unmasking Selective Outrage,” I asked a rhetorical question that now feels prophetic: Would Walida’s case attract the same moral panic? Or would it be quietly buried because it doesn’t fit a convenient narrative of religious persecution? My fears are being validated by the day.

A coalition of civil society and faith-based organisations recently raised the alarm in Abuja, accusing the DSS of violating a subsisting court order directing the release of 16-year-old Walida to her family. They specifically named DSS officer Ifeanyi Onyewuenyi as central to the allegations and called for his prosecution should any culpability be established.

A petition filed by Gamji Lawchain paints a disturbing picture: a minor allegedly abducted two years ago, held in unlawful custody, and denied access to her parents. Her father maintains that the trauma of this ordeal contributed directly to the untimely death of Walida’s mother.

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At the heart of the controversy is the DSS acting simultaneously as custodian and investigator — a clear conflict of interest. Compounding this is a suspicious dispute over her age. While the family insists she is 16, there are attempts to portray her as a 22-year-old adult. An independent, document-based verification of her age is essential. Anything less would undermine the integrity of our child‑protection laws.

Strangely, a group known as the Arewa Youth Assembly (AYA) has issued a “counter‑message,” claiming that she left home in 2023 and was taken by a woman called Maryam — later identified as Chinaza — who allegedly converted her to Christianity. The AYA leader, Salihu Danlami, further asserted that Walida underwent a mental evaluation and is “stable” and “happy” with her captor. Such claims overlook the well‑documented psychological phenomenon known as Stockholm Syndrome.

We have seen this before in the North-East; rescued Chibok and Dapchi girls have, at times, expressed a desire to return to their abusers after rescue from ISWAP/Boko Haram, exhibiting emotional bonds with their captors as a survival-driven coping mechanism. A girl who has been serially abused and impregnated outside of matrimony cannot be declared “mentally stable” by a youth group in a press conference. She requires clinical rehabilitation, not media interviews.

The DSS must comply fully with judicial directives concerning Walida’s custody and potential reunification with her family. A neutral, independent inquiry into the allegations against the DSS operative should be conducted. If found guilty, he must face the full weight of the law—just as Yunusa Dahiru did in the Ese Oruru case.

There must also be transparent verification of Walida’s age through credible documentation and independent scrutiny. NAPTIP should assume a leading role, given the child-protection and trafficking dimensions.

Equally, the Jigawa State Government under Governor Umar Namadi must not remain on the sidelines. A decade ago, Governor Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa did not treat Ese Oruru’s case as someone else’s burden. He intervened decisively and stood by the victim. Jigawa should do no less for Walida.

The media and the public must resist the urge to frame this matter in inflammatory religious terms. During the Ese Oruru case, northern traditional rulers and religious leaders were hastily accused of complicity. We must not repeat that mistake or allow this situation to be cast as a religious confrontation. Just as many argued in 2016 that Yunusa’s actions did not represent Islam, we must also acknowledge that the alleged actions of Onyewuenyi do not represent Christianity or the DSS.

We cannot afford another cycle of collective suspicion. Responsible communication — not sensationalism — must guide public discourse. This is not a religious contest. It is a child‑rights issue. Justice must never depend on religious identity.

If Nigeria is to remain a nation governed by law rather than sentiment, then institutions — especially the DSS — must uphold due process, transparency, and accountability. This case must follow the same standard of judicial openness and constitutional procedure that defined the high‑profile Ese Oruru investigation, which the police handled with commendable neutrality.

I therefore respectfully appeal to the Director‑General of the DSS to act swiftly, transparently, and in full fidelity to the rule of law. As a man of established integrity, he must ensure that justice is neither delayed nor distorted. Let it never be said that under his leadership, the law became a respecter of persons or uniforms.

In cases involving alleged child exploitation or forced conversion, justice delayed is justice questioned. Institutional integrity is measured not by rhetoric but by response.

What was good for Ese Oruru must, in the interest of fairness and equity, also be good for Walida.

Yushau A. Shuaib is the author of An Encounter with the Spymaster and can be reached via yashuaib@yashuaib.com.

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Opinion

Ahmad Gambo Saleh:Catalyst Of A Virtuous Judiciary

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By Ahmad Muhammad Danyaro

 

“All the rights secured to the citizens under the Constitution are worth nothing, and a mere bubble, except guaranteed to them by an independent and virtuous Judiciary|” Andrew Jackson.irria.

 

 

The judiciary in Nigeria, as established by Section 6 of the 1999 Constitution, is crucial for interpreting laws, defending the constitution, and enforcing the rule of law. It acts as an independent arbiter, protecting human rights, settling disputes between government branches and citizens, and ensuring democratic accountability through judicial review.

 

According to the words of Ronald Reagan, Former President of the United States of America, “the greatest leader is not necessarily the one who does greatest things .He is the one that gets the people to do the greatest things.”

 

Ahmed Gambo Saleh ,Esq, is one of the most accomplished judicial administrators in Nigeria recognized for his transformational leadership, technical expertise and unwavering commitment to judicial reforms in Nigeria.

 

Since 30th June, 2017 when Ahmed Gambo Saleh took over as Secretary of the National Judicial Council, he has become a leading voice in shaping the future of the nation’s judiciary.

 

The National Judicial Council is one of the Federal Executive Bodies created by virtue of Section 153 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in order to insulate the Judiciary from the whims and caprices of the Executive; hence guarantee the independence of this Arm of Government, which is a sine qua non for any democratic Government. The National Judicial Council was created and vested with enormous powers and functions of the erstwhile Advisory Judicial Committee (AJC) which it replaced.

Ahmed Gambo Saleh, Esq, was born on June 3, 1969, in Hadejia, Jigawa State. He is a seasoned legal administrator with over 20 years of experience, who previously served as the Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. Saleh holds first and second degrees in Law from the Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto and Bayero University, Kano, respectively.

 

He worked briefly as a Private Legal Practitioner before joining the service of Jigawa State Ministry of Justice as a Senior State Counsel in 1998, where he rose to become Director of Legal Drafting in 2002.

 

Mr. Saleh was a one-time Chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association, Dutse Branch in 2008.

 

In the later part of 2008, he was appointed as a Special Assistant to Former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon .Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi ,GCON. Two years later, he was appointed the Deputy Director Litigation before his appointment as the 16th Chief Registrar of the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

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It was during his tenure as the Chief Registrar that the process of Court Automation commenced, and the interviews of candidates who applied for the conferment of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) were streamed live on the website of the Supreme Court, to enable members of the public to view and assess the suitability or otherwise of qualified candidates to forestall allegation of bias or preferential treatment.

 

Mr Saleh introduced technologies which enabled the Courtrooms to connect to a unified system that has a central repository for all audio/video of proceedings. This includes: the transcripts, audio/video recording of any hearing, appearances and courtroom proceedings.

 

He also installed in the court a device called the document camera with the capacity to display exhbits ,which can be viewed by judges, registrars and lawyers. This device converts a paper document camera or physical exhibit to an electronic image with the aim to enlarge or reduce the image.

 

Ahmed Gambo Saleh, LL.B, BL, LLM combines years in Management and Administrative experience. He is a member of several professional bodies and has served on quite a number of Judiciary Committees, among which are: Secretary, Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee; Chairman, Chief Registrars of Nigeria Forum; Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Dutse Branch; Member, Presidential Swearing-in Committee – 2015; Member, Judiciary Information Technology Policy Committee; Member, Federal Judiciary Tenders Board; Secretary, Jigawa State Shari’ah Implementation Committee, etc.

 

To put Saleh’s commendable feat into proper perspective, the Office of the Secretary he currently occupies is the pivot around which all the activities of the National Judicial Council revolve. It is the administrative office of the Council. The Office co-ordinates and supervises all activities of the Council including Council Meetings, disbursement and monitoring of funds. The success or failure of the Departments & Units in the Council depends on the Office. The Office liaises with other Arms of Government and Agencies to achieve the goals of the Council, among others.

 

As NJC Secretary, he oversees administrative functions of the judiciary, including serving as Secretary to the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee.He continues to serve as a key administrative figure in the Nigerian judiciary.

 

Ahmed Gambo Saleh’s achievements as the Secretary of NJC are indelible and focused on areas characterized by technocratic, behind –the-secne reforms rather than high-profile public actions.

 

He is working assiduously to achieve the NJC’s set goals such as: an entrenched and preserved independent judiciary, a judiciary that is committed to the rule law, a financially autonomous judiciary, a proactive and vibrant judiciary that has judicial officers and staff with proven integrity and impeccable character, a dynamic judiciary manned by officers with various background, discipline, experience and competence and a judiciary that is information technology driven.

 

Humility is his defining character, Barrister Gambo Saleh is humble to a fault.God-fearing, gentle, peaceful, generous; yet unassuming and exceptionally intelligent. A natural leader and never pretentious. For anyone who knows Saleh, things are easily discernible about his character – humility, courage and a calm spirit.

 

As a scribe of NJC, an important arm of government –the judiciary – in the last nine years, it is on record that Gambo Saleh has brought new meaning to the position working diligently and honestly to enshrine a vibrant judiciary. To borrow from Greek writer Homer, “he is both a speaker of words of doers of deeds, benevolent and highly spirited.”

 

 

Danyaro is a Media and Public Affairs Specialist based in Abuja and can be reached via: @adanyaro202@gmail.com.

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Opinion

Waiya As An An Apostle Of Kano First-Kabo

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Hon (Amb) Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya the Kano State Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, has clearly emerged as one of the most celebrated, outspoken, dynamic, and eloquent members of the cabinet of Abba Kabir Yusuf, not only within government circles but across Kano State. This perfectly aligns with the expectations many of us held at the time of his appointment two years ago. Given his background, experience, and unwavering commitment to the people, it was evident that he would bring something exceptional to governance.

What truly sets Waiya apart, however, is not just his competence, but the rare confidence and closeness he enjoys with the Governor. He stands as one of the most trusted allies of His Excellency, someone who understands the Governor’s vision deeply and communicates it with clarity, conviction, and loyalty. His ability to interpret, defend, and passionately project the policies and intentions of the administration reflects a strong working relationship built on trust and mutual respect. In many ways, he operates not just as a Commissioner, but as a central pillar in advancing and protecting the image and direction of the government.

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With his activism roots, intellectual depth, and fearless loyalty, Waiya has positioned himself as a “super Commissioner”, a dependable voice and a strategic force within the cabinet. As the KANO FIRST agenda unfolds, one cannot ignore his role as one of its foremost drivers, standing firmly beside the Governor and reinforcing his vision at every level.

We pray that Almighty Allah continues to protect and guide him, strengthen his capacity, and elevate him to even greater heights in service. Ameen.
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