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Opinion

And Wike Will Speak at Great Ife, By Y.Z. Ya’u

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And this is the news: Wike is to deliver a lecture at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife. According to the Vice Chancellor of the University, Prof. Adebayo Simon Bamire, Nyesom Wike, CON, is to deliver the 2025 Matriculation Lecture on the topic “Partisan Politics, Party Loyalty and the Challenges of Party Supremacy in Nigeria,” which will be held in June. The first thing that came to my mind on reading that Wike, the loquacious Minister of FCT, the very architect of the political crisis in the opposition PDP as well as a chief combatant of the political derby in Rivers State, will deliver a lecture at OAU, Ile-Ife was to recall my student days. Ife of the 70s to early 90s was simply an incredible place to be for an activist, and that experience and exposure have remained an everlasting moment in my growth.

This was the university where the icon of left ideas and struggle in Nigeria, Dr. Segun Osoba, lectured for decades. He, along with Dr. Bala Usman of ABU Zaria, did the minority report to the Constitutional Conference in 1977 which till date is a reference point. Like Bala, his compatriot in the minority report, Osoba did not want to be called a Professor in a context in which a number of those claiming the title could not in all honesty be said to be representative of true professors.

Although like any other university, Ife (I use Ife rather than OAU to underline the fact that I am writing of both the pre-OAU and the OAU years) was deeply divided between the Left and Right (and its internal ideological battles were very bitter), however for outsiders, Ife was readily associated with anything about the left. It was here that Prof. Biodun Jeyifo, the first ASUU president, cut his teeth in radical unionism, and Ife played a key role in the eventual transformation of ASUU from a petty bourgeois staff Association of University Teachers which was only interested in arranging flight tickets to London for summer holidays to a union that became rooted in the imperative of the social transformation of the country.

In its contribution to ASUU, Ife has produced a legend of leaders who stood firm for the working class and the poor in the country. They include Prof. Omotoye Olorode, Idowu Awepetu and Dipo Fashina (Jingo) among many others. These three became a reference point of radical engagement in Ife. Indeed, in Dipo, the presidency of ASUU could once again return to Ife after Jeyifo. And their contributions in ASUU and indeed in social struggle in the country speak volumes.

Let it be remembered that Ife gave us such legal advocates for the poor as Femi Falana, the late Bamidele Aturu and Big Sam, just to name three of the most visible faces of this clan of lawyers for justice for the common man. It has also given us fine and formidable journalists in Owei Lakemfa, who would rise to the position of Secretary General of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Lanre Arogundade, a former NANS President. The campus gave us such cultural and literary giants as GG Darah, Yemi Ogumbiyi and many others, and the Ife Literary Tradition has in spite of all remained rooted in a left-wing commitment to this day.

Within the student population, Ife was as controversial as it had been on other fronts. Its student activists tended to belong to the Trotskyite Tendency, a matter that put it on a collision path with the Patriotic Youth Movement of Nigeria (PYMN), the key organization that was behind the strength of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS). The Ife Trotskyites considered the PYMN as Stalinists who should be fought, just like the ruling class, ensuring that there was hardly unity in the left-wing movement.

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When an official of the World Bank decided to tour Nigerian Universities to sell the World Bank/IMF agenda of transforming Nigerian Universities, he was chased away from Ife. Months later, the leaders of the banned ASUU on the campus could organize a National Conference on the IMF and the University System in Nigeria to discuss the World Bank Agenda. While this was the outline for the conference, in actual fact, the conference provided the opportunity for ASUU activists from different universities to meet and strategize on how to continue with the struggle even as their union remained legally banned by the Military Government.

A day after the conference, when delegates were just leaving Ife for their respective bases, the Orkar Coup attempt occurred (Jega and I got the coup story while we were still at the Ife Central motor park, waiting for our vehicle to Kano to fill) and in the panicky response of the Government, it arrested the two arrowheads of the conference (Profs Olorode and Awepetu) along with Prof. Obaro, summarily dismissed them from their jobs and also charged them with treason (coup making) and they could remain detained for many months and only the legal tenacity of their lawyer got them out and reinstated into their jobs at Ife.

Ife was also one of the key nodes of both the Campaign for Democracy (CD) and the Democratic Alternative (DA) as well as fronts of these organizations that were set up to fight the military. And they fought tenaciously for people like PBAT to benefit. Ife was key to the founding of the Socialist Congress of Nigeria (SCON), the closest to what could be a contemporary Communist Party of Nigeria.

On the cultural front, Ife was a non-conformist environment. To be sure, on late afternoons, one was sure to find large numbers of students around the sports arena, members of the Christian Fellowship deep in prayer sessions and on Fridays you would see many men and women dressed for the Jumaat service, but by and large, it was no fertile ground for those warriors on behalf of God. Instead, the ever-watchful eyes of the Ogun and Orisa were there to keep a vigil on the lively campus. Ife was non-religiously religious.

In the past, no government official would like to have an Ife encounter, by taking the risk to address any public gathering on the campus. Even Vice Chancellors who have legitimate mandate to be there had trouble dealing with both their students and their colleagues in the academic union. Ife brooks no halfway measure nor tolerates hypocrisy: you are either for the masses or you are shouted out and escorted out of the campus.

This is the same university that a hawkish Minister will be going to address and tell the audience of the many good things that Uncle Bola Tinubu is doing in transforming the country. Of course, NANS has long been crushed and in its place a cash and carry non-students have assumed the leadership of students, the radical student movement which had been the backbone of NANS has been emptied out of the campuses, the PYMN has long collapsed and in its place mercenaries and rabid fundamentalists of all hues have taken over, while the radical tradition of ASUU is under stress. Who else is there to chase such an unwelcome guest? No one but his own political party in whose name he would be grandstanding.

This explains why a Wike would be at liberty to go there. But what will he say about party loyalty having spent years now serving in a government for which his party is the key opposition party? What party loyalty will he demonstrate when he decided to work against the presidential candidate of his party and worked to ensure that his party lost the election? How can someone who is doing everything possible to prevent the stabilization of his party be a credible person to talk about party loyalty?

Will he explain why the government is only happy to keep academics on poverty wages? Will there be an explanation why the libraries in the universities have no money to buy current journals and books for their shelves? Will there be an explanation on the lack of equipment and chemicals in the laboratories? Or now, come to think about it, will he explain why poverty is on the rampage in the country? These are not party loyalty matters: they tell the test of loyalty to the President.

But these questions were relevant before we lost our road long ago. Those who decided to afford him the podium on this topic have done a dishonor to not only the topic but to the nurturing and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria because they have chosen to promote the worst of party behavior in Nigeria as a possible example worthy of emulation. We wish him and his hosts good luck.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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