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Nigeria And The Callous Call For Coup:Thanks But No Thanks

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1 year ago

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Chief of Army Staff Lieutenant General Taoreed

 

By Bala Ibrahim.

“As the Chief of Army Staff, my simple response to the call is, ‘Thanks, but no thanks!’ The Nigerian Army will not allow itself to be used to undemocratically sail some interests to power”-Lagbaja.

“Undemocratically sail some interests to power.” That’s the catch phrase to capture, from the powerful pronouncement of General Lagbaja, Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff.

Anyone living in Nigeria today, is undoubtedly aware of the terrible situation of the country. Some are even calling it calamitous.Those who say so cannot be fully faulted, because, things are tough, very tough. All the ingredients of a tough life, as described by the dictionary, are visibly resident in Nigeria today, viz: economic hardship, trials, tribulations, and struggle. Some signs that may indicate that someone has had a difficult time or a hard life would be things such as physical signs of abuse or neglect, signs of poverty, depression, anxiety, or other mental health issues, or a lack of support from family or friends. These are descriptions from the dictionary about tough life and they seem to be simmering in Nigeria today.

What the dictionary did not say in answer to the meaning of tough life is the role of the government in a democratic arrangement. But indeed the Government has a share in the comfort or discomfort of the citizens of a country, Nigeria inclusive. It is not the ambition of this article to totally exonerate the government from blame, with regards to the misery of Nigerians, but it is the determination of the article to tell those who think that, through the call for coup, the solution to the problem would come, sorry, wrong number. It is simply akin to swallowing a nonsensical story hook, line, and sinker, without knowing what the real implication is all about.

A 2020 study found that, coups tended to lead to increases in state repression, not reductions. For Nigeria, repressive regime cannot salvage the situation. It would only worsen it. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

The Chief of Army Staff, who spoke recently in Uyo, the capital of Akwa Ibom state, at the closing ceremony of the Chief of Army Staff combined Second and Third Quarters Conference 2024, pinpointed the origin of the call, thus:

“the pertinent issue that came up during the recent protest is the call for undemocratic intervention in governance by the Armed Forces of Nigeria. Although one can say this was coming from young Nigerians who never experienced the era of Nigeria’s extensive military rule and the concerted struggle by heroes and heroines of our current democratic dispensation to get the Nation on its current path”.

Methinks those calling for coup don’t even understand the real meaning of the consequences of coup or what repression is all about. With repression, even the freedom to think freely is suppressed. The freedom to desire something is suppressed. People pay heavy price under repression, because of the lack of freedom, topmost of which is the denial of the freedom of expression. Countries that go the way of coup often fall under sanctions, which ultimately worsen the living conditions of the people. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

Yes, when Nigeria’s situation is perused properly, especially against the backdrop of the incessant insecurity in the country, it would be easy to accuse the government of insensitivity, because there are those alleging that the Government is benefitting from the insecurity. But that can also be wrong. No government, no matter how careless, would want its citizens to remain unsecured.

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The principal reason for the institution of Government as explained by the Social Contract theorists is the provision of security of lives and properties for the citizens. This is the ambition of every government every where in the world and Nigeria cannot be an exception. Even those who accuse the government of engaging in corruption, must know that without security, the so called corruption cannot thrive. So, every government, regardless of its mission, needs the security of its country. But, and I repeat but, that security can best be provided, when the role of the military is limited to the barracks.

By training and orientation, the military is a friend of the bullet and not the ballot. So, contrary to democracy, which is a combination of two Greek words, “demos”, meaning people, and “kratos” meaning power, or “power of the people through the ballot, the military comes under “militocracy”, which is an authoritarian government operating with the use of force, where the predominant power rests with the bullet.The opinion of the public is unimportant and can be silenced or side-lined with ease.

Since 2011, coups have become rampant in Africa, making the African Union to loose its grip on peace. It is alleged that, the actors, both local and international, are exerting their influence over these coups. And mostly, the end always fail to justify the means. Examples given are the events in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia in 2011, Burkina Faso in 2014 and 2022, Zimbabwe in 2017, Algeria and Sudan in 2019, Mali in 2020 and 2021, Guinea in 2021, Niger in 2023 and Gabon in 2023.

“Mostly, the governments that follow these coups have failed to address the circumstances that caused them. This, of course, leads to further coups. Succeeding regimes entrench themselves in power by corruption and by marginalising their political adversaries. Eventually, rising mass poverty provokes deep political disgruntlement. Political instability triggers a coup — and so the cycle continues”- Reuben Twinomujuni, Uganda.

In simple language, those calling for a coup are simply calling for a vicious cycle, which is a sequence of reciprocal cause and effect in which two or more elements intensify and aggregate each other, leading inevitably, to the worsening of the situation. Nigeria is not destined for such scenario and God would not allow it. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

In addressing the issue of insecurity, Lt. Gen. Lagbaja gave the assurance that the military would soon surmount the prevailing security challenges facing the country, because, the conference had provided them the opportunity to make strategic projections for the fourth quarter and comprehensively review the counter-insurgency operations, anti-banditry efforts, and other critical operations across the country.

The task before every Nigerian I think, is to pray for the success of the military in this endeavor, and not for them to venture into the political arena of the country.

In most cases, apologists of coup are largely politicians that have lost elections, who always take advantage of the gullible and the easily deceivable, by merchandising falsehood, with the intention of injecting political tension in the country. Once there is such political tension, there would be strained relations or conflicts, depending on the magnitude of the lies peddled. These would pave way for power struggles, regional disputes, or other political factors between individuals or groups.

Those conversant with coups say, such tensions can lead to heightened hostility and potential overthrow of the government- an undemocratic regime change in short. Such change is not permitted by the constitution and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had told those with such thinking, to have a rethink. The President said he is not opposed to any regime change, but those angling for that, must wait till 2027. Even at that, they have to go through the ballot and not the bullet.

Only last month, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had his inaugural Council of State meeting, wherein many issues were discussed, including the hunger protest and the security situation of the country. The briefing by the National Security Adviser at the meeting, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, was particularly commendable, because he allayed everybody’s fears, they said. The NSA spoke on the tightness of the security around the country and also reassured all that, nobody will be allowed to truncate our hard earned democracy.

“Any change of government has to be through the ballot and not through the barrel of the gun, or through insurrection or through any other unconstitutional means. Only through the ballot box can any government be changed and reassured of the security readiness of all security agencies in the country to secure our territorial integrity and to protect Nigeria’s democracy.”- NSA Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.

Indeed those calling for the coup are not only callous, but seriously unserious and insensible. And the Chief of Army staff, Lt.Gen. Lagbaja had answered them, by saying: Thanks for the call, but no thanks.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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Opinion

Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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6 days ago

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December 7, 2025

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

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