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Dangote refinery: Dangers of a single narrative – sifting facts from emotion | RICHARD AKINOLA

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Richard Akinola

 

When the Dangote refinery controversy blew up, naturally as someone wired to support anyone l perceive to be oppressed, this time, Dangote, l lined up in support of the richest man in Africa.

I perceived he was being unduly treated by the Downstream and Midstream regulators, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA). For days, l had heated arguments with people with opposing views on this matter. However, Ademola Adigun, one person l respect on this app, cautioned that people should not be too emotive on this matter but seek knowledge. I took that as a challenge.

Subsequently, in an attempt not to look foolish out of emotive consideration, l opened my mind to critically study the issues involved and even the nitty gritty technical details of the oil and gas system. And because l owe an obligation to educate people, l had to open up myself to information, researching on this issue and the petroleum sector, devoid of emotion.

While several groups of people, including one of my constituencies -the Civil society, have made pilgrimages to the humongous site of the Dangote refinery, unarguably, the largest private refinery in World, l decided, what in my opinion, was sifting facts from emotion. The issue has even reverberated in the hallowed Chambers of the House of Representatives, where the adhoc committee set up to investigate the issue, among other issues in the upstream and midstream petroleum section, was dissolved yesterday.

In a report today by Daily Nigeria, the Speaker, Abbas Tajuddeen, dissolved the committee over alleged compromise by some members of the committee who had exculpated the richest man in Africa, even before the assignment kicked off.

From my findings, there are three major critical issues that are affecting the operations of Dangote Refinery

1) CRUDE SUPPLY-FEEDSTOCK

It does appear that when Dangote was building the refinery, there were no proper arrangements on ground on how he will get feedstock for the refinery. His refinery is the largest single train refinery in the world.
Nobody builds and opens a refinery of this magnitude without refinery agreement to get feed stock. Dangote didn’t have a feedstock agreement for his refinery.

I have read where some people claimed that he has an agreement with NNPC Ltd but that arrangements was not a feed stock agreement. What happened with the NNPC arrangement was that during the project building phase, Dangote Refinery project got stuck and NNPC Ltd got the approval of the President to take equity.

Subsequently, the NNPC got a loan and paid $1bn as part of the 20 per cent equity while the rest was to be paid in crude supply.

The lack of feedstock was part of Dangote’s problem and he is now sourcing feedstock when the refinery is powered. So far, NNPC Ltd has given him 39 cargoes.

2) CRUDE OIL PRICES
Dangote’s claim that IOCs are selling crude oil to him at $6 per barrel above international price doesn’t seem to be true. What l discovered is that Crude oil has different grades. What he got from the US is WTI and the price is not the same as others.
Another key issue under pricing is that the margin of sale of crude oil is different because it is an international business. There is what is called market margin and it is usually from $1.5 to up to $20 per barrel.

There are several crude grades and Dangote Refinery uses different grades of crude to blend. So, when Dangote said he is importing from the United States, it is because he needs it as part of the grades to be used to blend in his refinery to produce petroleum products. His refinery needs several percentage of Bonny light, WTI and others to be able to blend very well. But he is using the fact that he imports from US to give the impression that he is importing from US and other countries, when in actual fact, is that he is sourcing different crude grades to blend.

Another critical point of under pricing is that the marketers buy this crude grades and add their own margin which ranges from $1.5 to $20 but the Nigerian government is giving it to Dangote at a margin of $0.5 per barrel which to me seems to me to be a good deal for him.

One other contentious issue is that Dangote is also persuading the regulator, to persuade the International Oil Companies to give him crude but the IOCs cannot do that because they have Production Sharing Contract (PSC) with the Nigerian government. Through the PSC, the IOCs produce, give Nigeria government its share and take the share of their crude and sell to marketers. Dangote didn’t enter any agreement with the IOCs to give him feedstock. What people must also know is that these IOCs borrow money from banks, invest in equipments, drill the oil fields, give government its share and take theirs, sell, recover their costs and make further investments.

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Also, Dangote wants to use the local refinery obligation to obfuscate issues but this is not working for him because the local refinery obligation, according to the PIA, is based on a willing buyer and willing seller arrangement. This means the product must be available, and the parties must agree on the price in line with Section 109 of the PIA, which deals with the National Crude Oil Requirement of Refineries. The section states that the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission shall base the allocation of the domestic crude oil supply obligation applicable to the respective lessees on the National Crude Oil Demand requirement supply curve, which is the supply curve of crude oil or condensate that can be supplied on a voluntary basis at the prevailing international market price.

3) DOWNSTREAM
On the controversial issue of licensing of Dangote Refinery, while it has the license to build the plant, the refinery does not have license that covers other parts of its operations.

For monopoly, Dangote is asking the regulator to direct all oil marketers to get petroleum products from his refinery. But the question to ask is: Can Dangote guarantee Nigeria three billion liters of petroleum products per day in strategic national reserves for 32 days and not sell it? As a business entity, for Dangote to keep these products in strategic national reserves without selling them will lead to huge losses for him.

For the regulator to give Dangote that monopoly that he asking means that the business of other oil marketers would be killed and this is against the policy of deregulation because marketers should be allowed to import so there can be healthy competition.

Another critical point to note is that Dangote Refinery operates in a free trade zone and he will be exempted from paying tax to government. This is a loss of revenue to the government. The petroleum products from the refinery would be sold in foreign currency instead of naira to Nigerians as oil marketers who want to buy from there will fill form M (Importers form) in the bank.

Another contentious issue is the sulphur content in the petroleum products. It was reported in the media that the NMDPRA has minimum of 11 staff members in Dangote Refinery and all other local Refineries. The test of the petroleum products from the refinery are done daily and sent to the regulator. This means the regulator knows what they are saying when they stated that the product is inferior.

One worrisome aspect of the whole arrangement is that Dangote will need a minimum of $1.8bn working capital to operate the refinery and no bank would be willing to give it to him because he appears to be at a financial tight corner.

This was further confirmed with yesterday’s International Fitch ratings which downgraded the Dangote industries Limited, reflecting the precarious liquidity position of the business conglomerate.

The report stated inter alia that the group’s liquidity position, “followed lower than expected disposal proceeds, operational and financial underperformance compared to our prior expectations, also affected by local currency devaluation, and lack of contracted backup funding to repay its significant debt facilities maturing on 31 August 2024….We view the lack of DIL’s audited accounts for 2023 as a corporate governance issue. The RWN reflects uncertainty related to the group’s ability to refinance maturing debt.

“Lack of tangible steps to refinance or repay the maturing debt would lead to further downgrade while we do not expect a positive rating action until the company’s liquidity position improves substantially.”

I love Dangote and his can-do spirit, the reason l initially was emotive when this controversy broke when l felt he was being unduly treated but my study of the whole scenario has changed my perspective. I want him to succeed but he too has to do the needful. The monopolistic mindset which he carried from his cement business cannot work in the deregulated petroleum sector. More importantly, he needs a pragmatic approach to solve his liquidity challenges in this petroleum sector, which, with the benefit of hindsight, he underestimated, based on the seeming hand-in-gloves relationship he had with the previous leadership of the CBN, where it appeared he had “easy” access to funds.

Soji Adekunmbi, an Abuja based public policy analyst, in an article in The Cable, proffered solutions to Dangote to enable him navigate the humongous financial quagmire he seems to have found himself, when he posited: “A few options are available to Dangote but the most viable of them is that he should consider divesting some of his shares in the refinery. It may seem a difficult option but it is the best for him given the circumstances.

There are business entities who took a similar path when confronted with some of the challenges seemingly facing Dangote. In Saudi Arabia, the Saudi government sold Aramco, the national oil company to the public when it faced difficulties.

Even Microsoft founder, Bill Gates sold off a majority of his stake in the company retaining a mere five percent interest in the business. Gates took that route after facing anti-trade court cases following Microsoft’s monopolistic nature, which had caused the collapse of several IT companies.

Dangote should do the needful by selling shares to Nigerians as it is obvious given the intricate nature of business in the oil and gas sector particularly the huge capital outlay required to keep a business going, he cannot pull it off alone.”

Opinion

Kano Projects Not Urban-Based: Why Gov Abba Beats All

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By Abba Anwar

From the flyovers of Lagos and Kano to the farm-to-market roads of Yobe and Ebonyi, Nigeria’s 36 state governments have spent the last three years rewriting their strategies for infrastructural development. All in an effort to bridge development gap.

Between 2023 and August 2026, state budgets and projects implementation show a deliberate paradigm shift. As cities get rail lines, hospitals and interchanges, rural communities are finally seeing feeder roads, solar boreholes and more modern schools.

But in Kano, under the able leadership of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the picture goes beyond that, as the distribution of projects is shared between urban and rural spaces with all sense of humor and fairness. Infrastructural development, among others, is not urban-based.

While 8 metropolitan local government areas (LGAs) have 598 projects across individual LGAs, with a contract sum of N299.36B, 36 rural local government areas (LGAs) have 653 projects across individual LGAs with a contract sum of N287.90B, Kano is still the only state in the federation, to my knowledge, with this scientific categorization, at least in the public eye. As available data indicates. I stand to be corrected.

Also as another category of cross-cutting local government areas (LGAs) boast of 37 projects connecting two or more LGAs together, with a contract sum of N159.50B, and statewide /other have 269 projects, connecting state and LGAs with a contract sum of N249.54B, Governor Yusuf is fast becoming Mr Due Process.

To take my readers deeper in understanding why Kano maintains dozens of miles ahead of other states, this piece examines two states from each of Nigeria’s six geo-political zones, focusing only on projects funded and executed directly by state governments. The picture depicts a scenario of dual priorities — modernize the cities, but don’t leave the villages behind.

In North West zone let me begin with Kano state, though I gave brief highlight above. Under urban projects, we have Kano Metro Light Rail, which is ongoing, Kano Metropolis 5km roads in 8 metropolitan LGAs, upgrade, MRI and CT Scan for Muhammadu Buhari Specialist Hospital and Kano City Flyovers, that are 3 at Tal’udu, Dan Agundi and France Road.

Other urban projects in Kano are Urban Water Expansion and upgrade of Challawa and Tamburawa plants upgrade,
and Kano City Beautification with streetlights, parks, drainage and roads.

For rural projects in the same Kano, there are, among others, LGAs 5km roads across 36 rural LGAs, Rural Schools Renovation which included 1,200 primary schools, Solar Boreholes with 1,000 boreholes across rural communities, Rural Hospitals, upgrade of 5 General Hospitals, Agriculture Access Roads with 150km farm roads in 20 LGAs and Rural Electrification of Solar mini-grids in 50 rural communities.

Under Kaduna state the urban projects include Kaduna Light Rail, which is designed and counterpart,
Kaduna Urban Renewal Phase 2 roads and drainage in Kaduna and Zaria, 1000 Housing units, under Urban Mass Housing project, Leah Sharibu Cancer Center, an urban Specialist Hospital, and Urban Bus Terminals of 4 terminals.

For rural projects under Governor Uba Sani, there are Rural Feeder roads of 300km across 23 LGAs, Rural Education with 150 schools built/rehabilitated, 255 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) Revitalization, at 1 per ward, mostly in rural areas, Rural Water that provided 500 handpumps and solar schemes and Kaduna Agricultural Processing Zones under 3 rural clusters.

It is gratifying to note that the North-West is using urban projects to drive commerce, and rural projects to secure food systems. On top of that, Kano state’s model of simultaneous mega urban projects and statewide rural spread is now being studied by other states. How Governor Yusuf excels.

In North East, Borno state urban projects include Maiduguri 120km roads’ reconstruction and flyovers, Borno State University expansion with new Faculties and hostels, Maiduguri Water Works expansion, and Urban Markets, with the reconstruction of Monday market.

Borno’s rural projects include 480km Rural Access roads in 20 LGAs, 10,000 Housing Units built for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in rural LGAs, rebuilt of 15 rural Markets, Rural PHCs where 80 were rebuilt and Irrigation Schemes with 5 rural dams.

In Yobe state under urban projects, we have Damaturu Urban Renewal roads, that include streetlights and drainage and a completed Yobe International Cargo Airport. While under rural projects Yobe can boast of 380km Rural roads that cover 17 LGAs, 178 rural PHCs upgrade, Rural Agric Inputs with Tractors and fertilizer and Solar Streetlights in 10 rural towns.

In North East their main concern is treating infrastructure as a peace-building tool, reconnecting rural communities to urban centres.

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As some states’ major concern is feeder roads construction, upgrade/rehabilitation of PHCs and fertilizer distribution to farmers, of which Kano also considers, but the major concern for Kano is much beyond that. Looking at the nature of Kano’s rural projects and the distribution percentage, one can easily comprehend why the state excels.

Just see the projects distribution of Kano above in the first few paragraphs. As highlighted by the Commissioner for Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Comrade Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, in a recent press conference, when he said, “The eight metropolitan LGAs account for approximately N299,36 billion, and 36 rural LGAs account for approximately N287.90 billion, in identifiable single LGA projects.

This demonstrates that the administration’s development agenda extends beyond the metropolitan area and encompasses rural roads, healthcare facilities, schools housing, feeder roads and other essential infrastructure.”

Under North Central, Plateau state’s urban projects include Jos Urban Renewal, Flyovers, Bauchi-Jos dualisation, reconstruction of Jos Main Market and Urban Security Lights. While rural based projects also include a bit over 200 rural Boreholes, 150km Rural Roads at Barikin Ladi, Riyom, Mangu LGAs and rural Agricultural development with Potato value chain centers.

As Niger state can boast of Minna Urban Renewal with Interchanges, drainage and parks, Suleja City roads. As rural projects have 400km Green Economy Farm roads, 100 rural Clinics upgrade and rural Solar Power for 30 rural communities.

For clarity purpose one can say North Central states are treating rural infrastructure as economic infrastructure. As Kano thinks and has many reasons on top of that.

In South Western state of Lagos, urban projects count infrastructure like Lagos Green Line Rail with counterpart funding, Mushin-NNPC-Apapa road, Lagos-Badagry Expressway, Red Line Rail Phase 2 and 2025 Capital, as 70% is urban. Under rural projects there are Ikorodu-Epe-Badagry roads, Rural Health Centers, as10 facilities were upgraded and Rural Jetty Upgrade with 5 riverine jetties.

Another state of South West, Oyo has, as urban based projects, Ibadan Circular road, Section 1, Iwo Road Interchange and Omituntun Bus Terminals 3 terminals in the urban areas. With rural projects like Oyo-Iseyin Road, RAAMP Rural Roads of 200km, upgrade of 100 Rural PHCs and 2025 Capital.

Unlike in many geo-political zones, in South-West state governments use urban revenue to subsidize rural expansion. For Kano similar initiative is visible and welcomed by all. Without any borrowing, either domestic or foreign, Governor Yusuf awarded approximately the sum of N22 billion for prototype mass housing units under the Rural Model City Project, covering all the 36 rural LGAs.

Also the award of another high-value project of approximately N113.19 billion mass housing project at Dawakin Kudu. As both projects are currently awaiting for the establishment of relevant due process procedures.

In Enugu, South Eastern state there are urban projects like, Enugu Smart City roads, Solar Streetlights and Enugu Transport Terminal. As rural projects talk of 260 Smart Green Schools, 100km Rural Roads in 17 LGAs and Rural Water scheme of 150 schemes.

Urban based projects in Ebonyi state have Abakaliki 3 Flyovers, and Abakaliki Ring Road. With Ebonyi Ring road 198km an ongoing, an ongoing Rural Agro roads of 120km and Rural Clinics across 13 LGAs as rural projects.

Delta state from South South has, as urban projects, Warri/Effurun Flyovers, Asaba Urban roads and Urban Drainage systems. As rural projects presented 2025 Rural roads in 25 LGAs, Riverine roads and Jetties and upgrade of 50 Rural PHCs.

Rivers state has the following as urban projects, Port Harcourt Urban Renewal roads and drainage amd Eleme-Onne Road. As rural projects have Bodo-Bonny road with 12 bridges, Rural Electrification, 10 Rural Cottage Hospitals and Rural Water scheme.

Analysis under South-South indicates that geography dictates the project mix — bridges for riverine areas, flyovers for cities. With geography as determining factor in Kano, in a way, “… Kano State government has continued to pursue a broad-based development strategy designed to ensure that government investment is not concentrated solely within the state capital.”

Another interesting thing about the distribution of projects portfolio among urban and rural settlements, is that, it demonstrates investment across all the 44 LGAs, with intervention spanning urban infrastructure, rural development, mass housing, roads, bridges, healthcare, education, climate resilient infrastructure, traffic management and other equally important infrastructure.

Reiterating Governor Yusuf’s commitment to public accountability as a wheel for good governance Comrade Sumaila assured that, “We equally recognize that project delivery is a continuous process and hence, where projects are ongoing, government will continue to monitor implementation, address bottlenecks, strengthen certification processes and ensure that available public resources are deployed responsibly with commensurate value for money.”

Governor Yusuf’s pathway to greater height and to responsible governance maintains that, sustainability of good work with responsive goodwill, leads way to the fast lane of proper and more genuine democracy.

Maintaining the good spirit of Kano state government, Sumaila rejigs that, “Our responsibility is to ensure that every Naira committed to public development is subjected to appropriate procurement procedures, monitoring and accountability. And that projects ultimately deliver tangible value to the good people of Kano state.”

Adieu Governor Yusuf, Adieu!

Anwar writes from Kano
Monday, 17th August, 2026

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Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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Opinion

Scholarship or Trap? Why Northern Nigerian Youth Must Verify Foreign Opportunities

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By Alhassan Bala

Hundreds of young Nigerians, including students and graduates from northern Nigeria, have benefited from legitimate scholarships and educational opportunities offered by foreign governments and institutions. Such programmes can open doors to quality education, professional development and international exposure.

However, the growing use of social media to advertise scholarships, jobs and training opportunities abroad also presents serious risks.

Some seemingly attractive offers may be fraudulent, exploitative or even serve as channels for human trafficking and forced recruitment.

This is why young Nigerians must exercise extreme caution before accepting foreign scholarships or employment opportunities promoted online.

Recently, I came across a northern Nigerian professor working outside the country advising Nigerians, particularly young people from the North, to take advantage of a scholarship opportunity reportedly being promoted by educators he knows in Russia.

I have enormous respect for the professor, as I do for many academics who genuinely want to help young Nigerians access opportunities abroad.

Nevertheless, his recommendation reminded me of the disturbing experience surrounding the Alabuga recruitment programme in Russia and the need for prospective applicants to verify such offers independently before travelling.

The Alabuga warning,
For those unfamiliar with the Alabuga controversy, the programme began attracting young Africans through online advertisements offering employment, vocational training and what was presented in some cases as educational opportunities in Russia.

Investigations by international and Nigerian media later raised serious concerns about the programme.

Young Africans, including Nigerians, were recruited through social media and other online channels and taken to Russia.

Reports indicated that some participants who expected education or employment opportunities ended up working in facilities associated with the production of drones used by Russia in its war against Ukraine.

The Nigerian Ministry of Education subsequently said its website had been compromised and that advertisements for the controversial Alabuga Start programme had been posted without official authorisation.

Officials also stressed that the programme was not part of Nigeria’s approved bilateral scholarship arrangements with Russia.

The episode should have taught Nigerians an important lesson: the appearance of government endorsement, the involvement of a university professor or the presence of an attractive scholarship advertisement on social media does not, by itself, establish that an opportunity is genuine or safe.

From scholarships to the battlefield.

There is an even more disturbing dimension to the growing concern over recruitment of Africans to Russia.

In recent years, reports have emerged of Africans travelling to Russia after being promised civilian employment, only to find themselves recruited into the Russian military and deployed to the war in Ukraine.

In February 2026, the Russian ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that Moscow operated any government-supported programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

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He said that if illegal individuals or organisations were recruiting Nigerians unlawfully, such activities were not connected to the Russian state.

Despite the denial, investigations and reports have documented cases involving Nigerians and other Africans who allegedly travelled to Russia believing they were taking up civilian jobs before being sent to the battlefield. In one widely reported Nigerian case, Adam Anas and other Nigerians were recruited under the guise of security employment and subsequently deployed to fight in Ukraine.

The cases are not limited to Nigeria. In March 2026, the Association of Nigerien Students in Russia announced the death of Abdoulaye Issaka Ismael, a Nigerien master’s student who, according to the student organisation, had been recruited into Russian combat forces and deployed to the frontline in Ukraine.

Ghana has also reported serious losses. Its Foreign Minister disclosed in February 2026 that 55 Ghanaians had died after being lured into fighting in the Ukraine war, while hundreds more were believed to have joined the Russian military.

These cases demonstrate that the danger is not merely theoretical.

The lesson for young Nigerians, especially those desperately seeking educational or employment opportunities abroad, is straightforward: verify before you travel.

Anyone offered a scholarship in Russia or any other foreign country should first establish whether the programme is officially recognised by the Nigerian government and the government of the destination country.

Applicants should independently contact the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the relevant embassy or high commission before committing money, submitting sensitive documents or travelling.

They should also verify the name of the university, its accreditation, the exact course of study, the physical location of the institution, the identity of the sponsoring organisation and the legal status of whoever is recruiting them.

Most importantly, prospective applicants should be suspicious of opportunities that are promoted exclusively through WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, TikTok or other social media platforms, particularly when recruiters pressure applicants to travel quickly or discourage them from contacting government authorities.

A genuine scholarship should withstand scrutiny.

Northern Nigeria has millions of young people searching for education, employment and opportunities to improve their lives.

That makes the region particularly vulnerable to individuals who exploit unemployment and economic hardship with promises of quick opportunities abroad.

Professors, academics, journalists, community leaders and other influential Nigerians therefore have a special responsibility when sharing foreign opportunities.

Before recommending a scholarship or job to young people, they should verify it through official channels and make the evidence available to prospective applicants.

A recommendation from a respected professor can give an opportunity credibility that it may not deserve. If the opportunity later turns out to be fraudulent, the consequences may be devastating.

The Nigerian government also needs to do more.
Government agencies responsible for education, foreign affairs, Nigeria Immigration Service, labour and youth development should maintain accessible, regularly updated databases of approved foreign scholarships and legitimate overseas recruitment programmes.

They should also promptly alert Nigerians whenever questionable opportunities emerge online.

The Alabuga experience showed how easily a dubious programme could acquire an appearance of legitimacy when its advertisements appeared on an official government website.

The subsequent reports about Africans being deceived into military service demonstrate the potentially fatal consequences of inadequate verification and oversight.

Young Nigerians deserve opportunities, but they also deserve protection.

A scholarship should lead to a classroom, laboratory or recognised institution not a factory where they are exploited, and certainly not a battlefield.

For young Nigerians seeking opportunities abroad, the safest rule is simple: do not trust an opportunity because it looks attractive; verify it because your life may depend on it.

Alhassan Bala, wrote this piece from Abuja

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