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Heinous ‘Political’ Kidnappings And Killings In Ebiraland: At Whose Behest?

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Governor Yahaya Bello

 

By Ozumi Abdul

The prayers and pride of all parents in most African societies, my beloved Ebiraland inclusive are always to have them buried by their children.

In fact, it is considered an abominable disaster when parents shed tears over the deaths of their children, or bury them with their own hands while they are still alive.

They would go out of their ways to do everything within their power to avert such fate from befalling them because it’s ill-luck and ill-fate on their part.

However, this age-long potent belief since the coming on board of this outgoing administration of Governor Yahaya Adoza Bello close to eight years now has been consistently reduced to mere fictious and mythical one, as old parents, especially mothers, now cry over the deaths of their sons.

In some cases though, these old parents still die before their children, but it’s usually abrupt deaths because of the psychological inability to cope with the depression of having their children who mostly fend for them in incarceration without traces. Some even lose their sigts after years of umpteenth and consistent sobs.

My intents for writing this piece are not to indict Governor Yahaya Bello, and his administration that have been able to fight and suppress the issues of insecurities to a standstill in the state, rather to subtly call his attention to how some people who are allegedly close to him and his government are hellbent on tarnishing his award-winning record of the best governor in terms of security.

I sincerely want the governor to swing into action within these few weeks he has left in office, and quickly prevail on his subjects to have people who they allegedly condemned to Illegal incarcerations released, or account for them in case they are no more.

These alleged individuals are proverbial bats who are neither birds nor rats, they are without identities, they neither have the love of Ebiraland at heart, nor that of the governor, who on the lips service they profess to pay loyalty and allegiance to.

What they are mostly concerned about are their political and personal interest, they don’t mind whose horses are gored, they can sacrifice anything and anybody who are threats to their status quo.

Amid all wrongs, they would never tell truth to power they are very close to, because they don’t mind if the governor fails or not, in as much as their interests are protected.

They would equally do everything humanly possible to shield and frustrate whoever that has the ingenuity to tell the governor the realities of the state from assessing him, because they thrive in falsehood, lies, distortion, deception and fabrication.

These individuals would take people who dare to voice out publicly their displeasures towards some of the government’s anti people policies to the cleaner. They do this by hiding under the veiled guise of the governor’s directives, because they consider such constructive criticisms as threats to their avaricious self-aggrandizements if they get to the governor. Go and consult Mr Garido in Okengwe, who happened to be the only survivors of their nefarious onslaughts to tell you the tale.

They have been simply giving the governor bad names all along, they not honourable, but horrible.

I watched in pains, with broken and shattered heart an emotionally-disturbing viral video last week, wherein an old woman, who should probably be an octogenarian (in her late 80s most likely) was crying out her heart and almost had her voice hoaxed.

She cried and her eyes became swollen and misty, while also intermittently muttering words of pleas to Governor Yahaya Adoza Bello to come to her aid.

It wasn’t as if the grey-haired old, poor, wrecked, hapless and helpless woman from Ihima, in Okehi Local Government Area of the state was actually sick, and thus seeking the governor’s assistance to foot her medical bill. A big NO! It’s far off it.

Her pleads to the governor was simply for him to prevail on his appointees to release her only child who was reportedly whisked away in the sedate of a nightfall to an unknown location for alleged political reason.

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Her ‘politically’ motivated kidnapped son, Kashim, she said was the sole sustainer of the entire family; a father of five, and husband.The old woman narrated how life has been hellish and nightmarish for the entire family Kashim left behind over eight months ago that he has been in incarceration of the alleged ‘unknown government men’.

As we speak, whether Kashim is still alive, or exterminated while in immurement remains unknown to virtually all of us, but clearly known to those who have their hands all soiled in his heinous ‘political’ kidnapping and durance.

Another sad, notable and attrocious political kidnapping similar to that of Kashim, that was reported via viral WhatsApp voice note barely a month ago was that of one Dahiru, also known as Decorous.

I also listened with heavy heart, as his aged mother narrated her sad ordeals.

The old woman had already lost her sights as a result of umpteenth sobs, because Decorous is her only surviving son that fends for her.

He fathers children numbering up to minimum of seven from two wives, and he is the sole fender for his immediate family and old mother.

According to the accounts of his two wives in the viral WhatsApp voice note, three months before Decorous unlawful “arrest”, arguments were said to ensued via phone call conversations between him and his old childhood friend, who is now a “powerful” member of the Governor Yahaya Bello’s cabinet.

Amidst the conversation via phone call, threats of him going to prison was said to be made by the said supposed childhood turned ‘powerful’ appointee friend, then Decorous retorted, challenging him to go ahead to execute his threat of him going to prison, else he is a bastard. Then three months after, masked men on military uniform were said to stormed Decorous’ yougourt factory and forcibly whisked him away with three of his workers who protested against their boss’ unlawful “arrest”.

I’m not alleging anybody as the orchestrator of his abduction here, but pardon me for using a Yoruba adage as a logical analogy thus: “Aje ke lale ana, omo kuloni, ta ni o pa omo? Meaning, a witch blubbed yesterday night, then suddenly a child died this morning, who then killed the child?

Again, a proverb in our native Ebira dialect would ask that, when a limping man enters a house, and moments later, a limping masquerade exited that same house, then who is in the masquerade?

Thus, threat of imprisonment was made during phone call conversations, then months later, Decorous a devout Muslim, who had no issues with anyone before then was allegedly kidnapped, and till date nothing has been heard of him, who then was behind his kidnapping?

If he (Decorous) and Kashim that was equally ‘kidnapped’ eight months ago in Ihima District were in any way found wanting to have broken the law, why were they not arrested in accordance to the dictates that are within the ambit of law, and get prosecuted in the the courts of competent jurisdictions?

Why were they ‘kidnapped’, leaving their families and loved ones in the dark over their whereabouts?

Now, after years and months respectively that these Ebira sons were ‘politically’ abducted, whether they are still alive today or extra-judicially killed, is a question no one can boldly answer including their family members.

No one can rightly attest to any of these two fates that must have befell Decorous and Kashim now, no one knows their whereabouts, and the kinds of treatments they are subjected to, but only their political abductors and orchestrators.

Sadly enough, there are tens or twenties of Kashims and Decorouses across Ebiraland whose fates have been decided in these similar heartless, monstrous and inhuman manners that are unheard of.

Their family members would only mourn in what German Noelle Neumann described as spiral of silence, accept their fates, move on, while the tales of their kidnapped brethren are interred eternally into the abyss of history.

They are gone forever and never to return again, their family members would hardly see them again. Their children especially those who are very young during the abductions of their fathers would hardly know the facial identities of their fathers again.

Who then takes up the responsibilities of these emergency-orphaned children, as they journey down the routes of futures laden with uncertainties? What are their fates of not becoming liabilities to themselves, their families and societies in future?

What about their emergency-widowed wives, what are their fates?

As I drop my pen here, I ask again, at whose behest are all the heinous political kidnappings and killings in Ebiraland? Who are the orchestrators?

In as much as answers can’t be readily be provided to these questions for now, one thing the culprits of these crimes to humanity should discern is that Anebiras don’t forget, they hardly forgive people who had committed attrocities against them.

Stale pounded yam can still be freshly hot even after hundred years. These individuals should better know this now that posterity shall take its due course

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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