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Addressing The Crisis Of E Waste In Our Country

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Malam YZ Yau

 

By Y. Z. Ya’u, CITAD

Technology enthusiasts like most people are data-selective. When we want to show digital progress, we go for internet penetration figure or the more problematic one of PC and android phone ownership. But another statistical data that could also show progress would be to look at the amount of electronic waste that is generated in the country.

We will normally not use this because it has negative connotation, but it is an important issue to address. It is one of the crucial indicators of unsustainability of current digitization, the others being having to substitute fossil fuel with cleaner energy sources to fire our digital systems and the need to address carbon emission from the digital devices.

Across the country, in major cities and towns, you are likely to be confronted by the eyesore of heaps and pyramid of discarded computer boxes, out of service printers, scanner rollers, bodies of refrigerators, television cases, etc.

All of these constitute what is termed as electronic waste or more simply as eWaste. When electronic devices are no longer serviceable, they have to be thrown away as they are no longer useful. The rate at which this waste is produced is a proxy measure of the consumption of electronic goods.

However, rate of generation of wastes varies with countries that manufacture electronic goods producing far lesser amounts of eWaste than those that merely import for consumption, every other thing being equal, the reason being that imported goods for a number of reasons, have shorter life span than those left in the manufacturing countries.

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The International Telecommunications Union defines eWaste as “items of all types of electrical and electronic equipment (EEE) and its parts that have been discarded by the owner as waste” This definition was adapted in Nigeria’s solid waste policy.

However, the definition focuses on hardware items such as monitors, handset, etc. It leaves out the non-tangible eWaste such as heat released from the use of ICT systems. In the context of Nigeria, most ICT users will have their generating sets because of insufficient power supply, the emission from generating sets could be significant, thus can be considered a factor in global warming.

This part of the two-part on eWaste focuses on solid waste.
The increasing pyramid of eWaste across cities in the country is due to two factors. On the one hand is the poor enforcement of the relevant local laws and policies regarding disposal and management of eWaste by the government that that has allowed the importation of second-hand digital devices that are not properly screened, the result of which is that a lot of the import is actually ewaste. On the other hand, because of the collapse of the national currency, imported new digital goods have become generally affordable only to a few people in the country.

This has stimulated the demand for more second digital devices. Since secondhand devices have generally shorter life span, they quickly turn to waste and join the growing heaps of eWaste across the country.
There are three sources of eWaste in Nigeria. The first is the obsolesce of equipment and devices. Of recent, this has increased with the importation of second-hand devices as more and more people cannot afford new ones.

The share of second-hand EEE is significantly increasing in the country. In 2010, a study undertaken for the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) by Ogungbuyi, O, Nnorom, I, C, Osibanjo, and M. Schluep found the share between new and used EEE was about 50%/50%.

This ration must have greatly change with second probably nearly 90% today. The increase in second-hand EEE is driven by low purchasing power and poverty.
The second source is the illegal importation of eWaste. While importation of wastes is illegal, there have been instances of such importation. In 1988, Italy shipped 18,000 barrels of toxic waste marked to a village in Delta State. In 2013, a Ship (MV Marivia) with two containers of eWaste was apprehended. Such importation takes place across the ports and are able to get through because of corruption in the port system and only get exposed due to some disagreement or action of whistleblowers. In this context, it is difficult to estimate the amount of eWaste that gets into the country. In addition, about 30% of second-hand imports were estimated to be non-functioning (therefore need to be declared as e-waste). UNEP report estimated that for 2010, at least 100,000 tonnes of e-waste entered the country illegally.

UNEP survey also found that large quantities of used e-waste are imported with used cars.
A third contributor to ewaste is the local assembly of electronic goods. There are broadly three types of assemblers.

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The first are those who assemble items like refrigerators, radio, etc. The second ones who came to the scene in the 1990s are assembling computers. These are relatively large-scale organizations producing their brand of computers.

The last category consists of small-scale assemblers of non-branded computers. What is common to all the three is that they import completely knocked down parts (CKDs) and assemble them in the country.
There are four common ways of dealing with eWaste. One is the collection of the wastes and incinerating them in specifically designated places.

This seems the easiest but not necessarily the best or the safest. For one, a number of the components of eWaste are neither biodegradable nor fire-destroyable and therefore even after incineration, a lot reminds as waste, occupying space and contributing to continued environmental pollution. In addition, both the emission to the air from the burning of eWaste and the seeping of by-products of the burning into the grounds have serious impact to the environment and therefore leave much to be desired.

A second option that has been used by richer countries is trading in eWaste in which countries with “wasteland” accept eWaste in return for payment from the countries dumping the waste. Nigeria had in the past had received waste as traded item, although now technically importation of waste is banned. Apart from the difficulty of getting a willing buyer, on a global scale this does not address the consequences of eWaste.

The third is built around the concept of recycle, repair and reuse, which requires the recycling for components from eWaste, repairing those that can be repaired and reusing those that can be used for other purposes.

This does not necessarily do away with the waste but rather turn some into useful inputs for either elongating the life span of some digital devices or creating new ones. This in a way serves two dual purposes: reducing the waste and also seeding the circular economy, that reducing consumption of materials for producing electronic goods.

Elongating the life span of devices in general is a response to the challenges of sustainability because it reduces the consumption of non-renewable resources, that are often obtained through environmentally destructive extractive processes that are in the long run not sustainable.
In this sense, while recycling, repair and reuse does not do away with waste per se, it implants a consciousness and practices of the move away from the linear economy of extraction and consumption of materials to a circular economy of repeated use and the uptake of renewable resources.

The 3Rs requires first, an organized and effective system of waste collection, sorting storing. It also requires equipment for pre-processing of wastes. And, finally, it requires skills for the recycling and reuse.

Luckily, in Nigerians, the recycling sub-sector is growing and has in fact transformed from mere concern with health issues to an economic one in which many people are now engaged in recycling as an economic activity. We need government to improve the situation through appropriate policy making.

A fourth strategy is the use of renewable and biodegradable materials for supporting the digital system. This once reduces waste and ensure your that infrastructure is based on sustainable basis. For instance, one of current work in adoption is the move away from steel-based telecommunication towers to ones made from bamboo trees.

Bamboo trees are agricultural product thus both renewable and non-extractive. In addition, wastes from cutting and sizing bamboo are completely biodegradable. This works through careful substitution. Like the 3Rs, government is called upon to support research and experimentation as well innovation to replace extractive components with renewable ones. For instance, it can do a policy to support large scale farming of bamboo in the country and promote its use in the increasing bird-nest of towers in the country.
We also need to challenge device designers and manufacturers to design with the concept of repair and reuse in mind against the current practice of increased decline in the life span of devices and quick to obsolescence that are embedded in current design practices as a means of maximizing profits for investors.

They also need to move from extinctive components to non-extractive. We must also guard against the use of proprietary components which makes it difficult if not impossible, for repairers to substitute components from one manufacturer to device produced by different ones.

In addition to taking the issue of the circular economy serious, the government needs to ensure the effective enforcement of relevant regulations relating to eWaste in the country.

The National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA), an agency of the Ministry was established by law in 2007 with responsibility “for the enforcement of environmental standards, regulations, rules, laws policies and guidelines”. In 2011, the government approved the National Environmental (Electrical/Electronic Sector) Regulations in 2011 as the key tool governing Electrical/Electronic waste in the country. In addition to NESREA, the Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC) by virtue of the article on equipment type testing, has power to regulate the quality and standards of devices being brought into the country. Also, in pursuant to the provisions of Sections 4, 70, 132 to be in conjunction with Sections 130 and 134 of the Nigerian Communications Act, 2003, NCC has a window to regulate eWaste in the country.

At the moment lots of second hand handsets get into the country through grey routes that escape NCC oversight. Similarly, NESRIA has not found effective ways of dealing with importation of second hand computers that are merely junk.

Finally, government itself needs to do more in this area. Although Nigeria is a signatory to the ITU, it has not taken measures to implement the decisions of the Plenipotentiary Conference of the ITU set in 2018 with respect to adapting recycling of e-waste to contribute to a global total of 30%​​ and have e-waste legislation to 50. It needs to act on this.

Opinion

Persecution of Crimean Tatar Muslims and Russia’s Campaign Against Ukrainian Identity

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By Alhassan Bala

The annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 marked not only a violation of international law but also the beginning of a systematic campaign to undermine the cultural identity of the Crimean Peninsula’s indigenous people.

The Crimean Tatars, who had already endured one of history’s most devastating forced deportations under Joseph Stalin, now face a renewed threat as Russia continues efforts that many observers say are aimed at eroding their language, culture, and religious freedoms.

According to discussions with representatives of the Crimean Tatar community, the current situation goes beyond cultural suppression. It is, they argue, a gradual process of cultural extinction.

The Crimean Tatars have survived persecution before. In 1944, Stalin ordered the mass deportation of the entire Crimean Tatar population from their homeland to Central Asia. Packed into cattle cars and transported under inhumane conditions, nearly half of the deportees died during the journey or in the early years of exile.

It took decades for survivors and their descendants to return to Crimea and rebuild their communities following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

I recently met several Crimean Tatars, and hearing their accounts of how their grandparents endured displacement, hardship, and persecution was deeply moving.

Their stories are a reminder of the resilience of a people determined to preserve their identity despite repeated attempts to erase it.

Today, more than seventy years after Stalin’s deportations, history appears to be repeating itself in a different form. Rather than relying on mass expulsions, Russia is accused of employing more subtle methods, including institutional discrimination, restrictions on religious practice, and the gradual erosion of linguistic and cultural identity.

Language is central to the survival of any people, and critics say Russian authorities understand this well. Since the annexation, Crimean Tatar-language education has reportedly been significantly reduced.

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Schools that once provided instruction in the Crimean Tatar language have been encouraged or compelled to switch to Russian. Crimean Tatar textbooks have become increasingly scarce, while educators who seek to preserve indigenous-language instruction face growing challenges.

The Ukrainian language has faced a similar decline. Prior to 2014, Ukrainian was widely taught and spoken throughout Crimea.

Today, opportunities to study both Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian have reportedly been reduced dramatically. In many cases, Crimean Tatar language instruction is limited to only a few hours per week, while Ukrainian-language education has largely disappeared from public institutions.

Critics describe this as a form of linguistic colonialism. By restricting access to education in native languages, they argue, future generations become increasingly disconnected from their cultural heritage.

Over time, languages that once flourished in Crimea risk becoming marginalized in the very homeland where they originated.

For the predominantly Muslim Crimean Tatar community, concerns extend beyond language to the practice of their faith.

Human rights organizations have documented reports of mosque raids, arrests of religious leaders, and restrictions on religious education.

The Mejlis, the representative body of the Crimean Tatar people, was banned by Russian authorities as an “extremist organization,” a move widely condemned by international observers.

Young Crimean Tatar men have faced particular scrutiny. Many have been detained and prosecuted under allegations of affiliation with Hizb ut-Tahrir, an organization that is legal in Ukraine but prohibited in Russia.

Human rights advocates have questioned the fairness of some of these prosecutions, citing concerns over evidence and due process.

Reports also indicate that religious literature has been confiscated and that Islamic educational activities have been subjected to increased restrictions.

For many Crimean Tatars, these measures reinforce a perception that maintaining their distinct religious and cultural identity has become increasingly difficult under Russian rule.

Crimean Tatar citizen journalists who document human rights abuses face heavily militarized show trials. Many are sentenced to decades in Russian penal colonies. Journalists face forced disappearances, physical violence, and raids on their homes. For example, Iryna Danylovych, a freelance reporter, was abducted by the FSB and transferred to a Russian prison.

The international community must continue to pay attention to the situation in Crimea. The Crimean Tatars survived Stalin’s attempt to destroy their nation and identity.

They rebuilt their communities from the ashes of exile and deserve the opportunity to preserve what they have fought so hard to reclaim—their language, their faith, their culture, and their homeland.

In this regard, the efforts of the Crimea Platform, an international initiative established to keep global attention focused on Crimea and the challenges faced by its people, remain important.

Through dialogue, advocacy, and international engagement, the platform continues to highlight the plight of Crimeans and the need for a peaceful and just resolution.

Alhassan Bala writes from Abuja, Nigeria.

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Opinion

Senator Barau: 3 Years of Meritorious Service to Humanity as DSP

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By Abba Anwar

As a build up to 2023 general election, Senator Barau I Jibrin, was campaigning to become a Senator for another round, in the 10th Assembly. From Kano North Senatorial District. All his campaign promises then were centered around his primary constituency.

Unknown to him, his victory would open door for him and create an opportunity, for him to become, Deputy Senate President. Alas, after the election of His Excellency Senator Godswill Akpabio, as Senate President. Jibrin was elected his Deputy.

His election as DSP, stemmed from so many considerations, of the gentleman. His credentials and his past contributions and engagements in the National Assembly, starting from being a Member of House of Representatives, when he represented Tarauni federal constituency, from Kano Central, were considered. As such his pedigree gave him, not automatic chance, but edge over others to become the DSP.

During his days as a Member of House of Representatives, when late Right Honourable Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba was the Speaker of the House, Jibrin was the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation. The same position he held when he became Senator. Apart from being Chairman Senate Committee on Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund).

His choice or rather election as the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, was hitherto considered and approved by the entire Honourable members, because of his credentials in the field. Not only that, he was one of the best students during his undergraduate days and postgraduate days, in his chosen area of studies. Which gave him so many inches ahead of others, then.

As Chairman Senate Committee on TETFund, the choice was made on the basis of his love for education, education and education. His genuine support for equipping people with education, at all levels, was considered at the same time. No wonder, his constituency, witnessed and are still witnessing his unmatched and unparalleled contributions to the education of his people, under Barau Jibrin Scholarship Scheme. Apart from other areas of intervention in the sector.

His service to humanity cuts across constituencies, party lines, geographical boundaries and ages, in the last three years of his leadership as Deputy Senate President. Even some parts of Nigeria, benefited from his legislative efforts. In his primary constituency, he sponsored hundreds of students for undergraduate studies in some carefully selected Nigerian universities. While dozens were selected, also after diligent screening, for their postgraduate studies outside the country.

Modern fields of study such as Software Engineering, Robotics Engineering, Artificial Intelligence, and Chemical Engineering, in which he sponsored many students, are testament to his legacy and reflect his focus on human development. He believes that education builds capacity, capability, and compatibility in life.

In the education sector he initiated and presented a Bill for the establishment of Federal Polytechnic, Kabo, that was established with 17 approved programmes in Science, Engineering and Health Sciences. He further lobbied and followed-up legislative process; which also provided infrastructure for the Polytechnic to be transformed to University of Science and Technology, Kabo.

He initiated, lobbied and followed-up for the Federal College of Education (Technical) Bichi, to Federal University of Education Bichi. The same effort was applied to the transformation of the Federal College of Education, (FCE) Kano, to Yusuf Maitama Sule Federal University of Education, Kano. He initiated and lobbied for the renaming of the University, after the name of the former Permanent Representative of Nigeria, to the United Nations, Dan Masanin Kano Yusuf Maitama Sule.

He was able to facilitate the establishment of 13 National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) Study Centres, across all 13 Local Government Areas, of his constituency, Kano North. Also facilitated for the establishment of Federal University Dutsin-Ma 6 Satellite Campuses and four (4) more Study Centres facilitated in Gwarzo, Danbatta, Dawakin Tofa, Gabasawa local governments.

His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, constructed blocks and made renovation of many primary and secondary school in Kano North. Apart from helping teachers and students with the means of transportation to schools for teaching and learning.

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Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Under security sector, more specifically his direct support to Nigeria Police Force, the Distinguished Senator donated One thousand (1,000) operational motorcycles. The handing over of the motorcycles took place at Bompai Police Headquarters, Kano. Of which the distribution was at 700 for Kano North Senatorial Zone and the remaining 300 for State Command Headquarters. The donation was purposely made to enhance mobility, rapid response, and reach hard-to-access areas by our Police officers.

He donated other operational vehicles to the Police Command, Bompai, among other donations of vehicles to other police formations, particularly, in Kano North. As he renovated parts of Kano State Police Headquarters. As he further constructed many police stations in different parts of the state.

Our able DSP constructed a modern Police Secondary School in Kabo, his hometown. He is not only concerned with operational vehicles and infrastructure, he is mindful of aiding his people to get recruited into the available spaces under our security system.

Hence he facilitated the recruitment of 120 security personnel as Police Cadets, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) officials, and Federal Fire Service officers from Kano North. After the completion of their training, he hosted them at a dinner in their honor, at Bristol Palace Hotel, Kano. As he charged them on integrity, patriotism, service to the nation and loyalty to their respective formations.

To further enhance security in the streets across his constituency, he helped in the installation of one thousand (1,000) solar-powered streetlights across Kano North, to improve nighttime patrols. As he rushed to Kano Central donating for market security, where he donated Hilux, 5 motorcycles for patrol at Farm Centre phone market.

As our Distinguished Senator believes in re-positioning of our security system and architecture, he sees reason in security infrastructure development. This informs his patriotic decision in facilitating for the establishment of
NSCDC Training College, in Gwarzo, Nigeria Police Service Commission Training Institute, in Kabo and Nigeria Immigration Service Training School, in Bichi.

Under agriculture the biggest project is the long awaited programme on maize and rice cultivation to boost food security, under Barau Initiative for Agricultural Revolution in the Northwest (BIARN), that was launched in April 2025. With the intention of the distribution of about Three Billion Naira (N3b) interest-free loan scheme for 558 young farmers across the 7 states of the North West.

As beneficiaries would get access to, ranging from One Million Naira (N1m) to Two Million Naira (N2m) up to Five Million Naira (N5m) per individual beneficiary. What is delaying the implementation of the programme is the paucity of Funds from the partner organization, Bank of Agriculture (BOA).

Under nfrastructural development, road construction and rehabilitation
specifically, he lobbied for Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi federal road among others. Other infrastructure in Gwarzo, where roads, bridge, water projects and installation of solar lights, became the order of the day, under his interventions. So also hospital construction and upgrades, in the same Gwarzo local government.

Community projects like construction and rehabilitation of Mosques, Palaces and training institutes are all over.

Under Youth and Women Empowerment for economic development, he initiated the distribution of Twenty Thousand Naira (₦20,000) only. For 10,000 less-privileged across all the 44 LGAs in the state. With Kano North taking the largest share of 6,500 beneficiaries, at 500 per LGA.

Just recently DSP launched monthly One Hundred Thousand Naira (₦100,000) only, capital support, for 1,300 beneficiaries, from the Month of February 2026 to December 2026. A year round project. A total of 18,200 beneficiaries, will benefit from the sum of Two Hundred and Eighteen Million, Two Hundred Thousand (₦218.2m) only.

Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Sports & Community Development are not left behind. As 150 football teams per local government benefited with Jerseys and balls. Totaling 1,950 teams across Kano North.

It is on record, as many people, especially those from Kano North, know, DSP did more than what I listed here. One piece of material cannot encapsulate all this contributions and speak out at a time. But this gentleman did a lot and is committed to step further.

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 7th June, 2026

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Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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