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Dear Prof T. A-IBK

Published

3 years ago

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Professor Ibrahim Bello-Kano

 

Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano

Dear Prof T.A. I read your column piece several times, and wondered, as you did, why the Honourable (let’s assume) Adamu Adamu, the Minister for Education, behaved towards ASUU the way he did. You did refer to his 2013 strong defence of ASUU strikes in which he called the striking lecturers “heroes and patriots” and a bulwark for a strong University System. Social theorists seek to explain why, in a given micro setting, someone is doing something or why someone is behaving or has behaved in a particular way, especially when that act or behaviour was, or could be, surprising or shocking to those who thought or think that they knew or know him pretty well enough as to not expect him to behave in such a way or manner. In the case of Adamu Adamu, one could ask whether he was behaving stupidly or maliciously or vengefully. Many people thought that Adamu Adamu would do better than Chris Ngige, given the fact of his previous positive attitude to ASUU and that he it was who set up the very Prof. Nimi Briggs Committee that was charged with negotiating with ASUU, for example. How would one explain what you, Prof TA, have/has called his “choleric reticence”? One possible explanation is this: when Adamu Adamu praised ASUU to the heavens in 2013, he was virtually broke and, in any case, unemployed. He was then a “radical” of sorts, typical of dyspectic traditionalist radicals in northern Nigeria. The North of Nigeria is still largely a feudal, proto-peasant community, where what Nietzsche would call “romantic critics of tradition” abound. Yet upon joining the ruling elite, and having been a minister for almost eight years, Adamu Adamu’s psychology has had to change.

He’s now in a new cultural, political and economic setting, defined by privilege and insoucient entitlement. He’s now a confidant of the President of the country. He could jet in and out of Nigeria at will and at the expense of the State. He was gravely ill for a time and would have died but for state medical privilege. In this sense, Adamu Adamu’s hostile behaviour and action towards ASUU are typical of hitherto relatively poor individuals who are now, thanks to good luck or some good fortune, beneficiaries of social and economic parasitism. In this sense, Adamu would naturally see his role as the defender and preserver of official state policy, the Government’s Warrior in Shining Armour, despite his previous personal history and humble origins. Privilege is the flip side of economic parasitism. That’s why Adamu Adamu had to see ASUU as the “enemy within”. The second possible explanation is that, perhaps Adamu Adamu wanted to offer something reasonable for ASUU. One clue is that he did say, at an inter-ministerial meeting with the President on the strike issue, that ASUU were “patriots”. However, soon after that Adamu realised that there were other vested interests that hatched behind his back, and felt hopeless and caged and isolated in regards to the official state policy on the strike. Here, all we can say, if this explanation is plausible, is that Adamu Adamu could not live up to his moral or ethical beliefs and standing.

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We call this his moral failure, a kind of moral cowardice since he could not stand up for his feelings and sense of what is right or wrong in this particular context. Third, perhaps Adamu’s sudden and last minute aggressive and ill-considered attitude towards ASUU may have been caused by the strident criticisms of his failure to be at the top of the situation. Many commentators called him “sloth”, “heavy”, and “weak” in the light of his slow rising to the situation. Perhaps Adamu Adsmu felt he must assert his “macho” and “power” over a recalcitrant ASUU.

Whatever explanation is plausible, Adamu Adamu stands condemned for his handling of the situation. Perhaps he lacks intuitive intelligence in these matters, having been inserted in a new and profitable official position. His former radical religious and moral personality has been dimmed by office-holding and the privileges that that has brought into his personal life and psychological identity. There’s no question that Adamu Adamu has ruined or damaged his preputation as a moral agent, at least in the eyes of a large number of Nigerians. Clearly, then, Adamu Adamu felt that ASUU was a minor irritant, who should be begging the Government and not bargaining with it. Yet it also entirely possible that in his new privileged position as a functionary of the State, he cannot stand a lowly Trade Union standing up to the Government and the mythical figure of Buhari as the President, a man who sees “enough is enough” as applicable only to ASUU’s activist stance on Education. It’s also possible that Adamu Adamu has now got an anemic view of lecturer renumeration.

Years of his Principal’s policies of marketisation and other neo-liberal management of the economy must have convinced Adamu Adamu that the lecturers don’t need or deserve higher salaries. The measly N60k he offered to Professors at the bar says volumes about the mindset of Adamu Adsmu and the President, who’s reputed to despise workers being (seen to be) affluent. Adamu Adamu may have shared this view, too. In a few months, Adamu Adamu would be out of office, out of continuing privilege, and out of official decision making, at least in a direct sense. Without a doubt, his legacy is one of unbridled assault on Collective Bargaining. But as Mick Lynch, the general sectary of the British RMT Union said late last year, “If You’re Not Bargaining, You’re Begging”. The irony of it all is that, Adamu Adamu and Cohorts will be gone while ASUU will be here for a long, long time. Ibrahim Bello-Kano.

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Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

Published

2 days ago

on

December 13, 2025

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

Published

1 week ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

Published

1 week ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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