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Opinion

Running Mate:The Malady Of Making A Mindless Mistake

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Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu

 

By Bala Ibrahim.

According to the dictionary, a running mate is an election candidate for the lesser of TWO CLOSELY ASSOCIATED POLITICAL OFFICES. I put the phrase, two closely associated political offices in capital letters on purpose, so as to compel the reader comprehend the closeness in the connection and correlation between the office of the principal and his deputy or vice.

It is also my ambition to make the principal realize the expected reckoning of the electorate, with regards the running of the two offices and how the occupants behave towards each other.

In short, while the choice of a running mate may be within the absolute control of the principal, because he or she would be his or her deputy, the consequences of his or her mistake in making a careless choice, could come with a combatant calamity.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has been hammering upon the nemesis of such mistake since he left office in 2007, and I think as patriotic citizens, we owe it a duty to draw the attention of those that have been elected to lead, to be not only canny, but circumspect in the choice of their running mates, and here, more attention should go to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Jagaba of Borgu, and the presidential flag bearer of the ruling party, the APC.

While Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the Waziri of Adamawa, had since named Dr. Ifeanyichukwu Arthur Okowa, the incumbent Governor of Delta State as his running mate, for the 2023 Presidential election, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is still silent on who would be his authentic running mate in the battle.

In an attempt to beat the June 17 deadline for the submission of presidential and vice presidential candidates, some political parties submitted names of vice-presidential candidates or running mates, who they described as placeholders. The ruling APC and the Labour Party, LP, are the ones clearly caught in the web of this mess of a placeholder, in place of the running mate.

In the APC, Kabiru Masari, the party’s Welfare Secretary was named as the running mate to Jagaba, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, while Dr. Doyin Okupe, the current Director General of the Peter Obi Presidential Campaign Council is submitted as the placeholder for Peter Obi, in lieu of a substantive running mate.

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Whether the term placeholder would pass the legal test, and secure a place in Nigeria’s constitutional and legal framework, is a task for the legal barons, but as public analysts and commentators, our task is to harp on the merit of making a careful choice, and the malady of making a mindless mistake, through the careless choice of a running mate.

For some times I have seized to be a fan of Obasanjo, because of his penchant for ridiculing everyone, and his self-appointed position of being the best God given gift to Nigeria, but when a man or woman keeps lamenting endlessly, on an issue that touches on patriotism, or selfless devotion to the support for one’s country, it would be foolish to flout such a forewarning.

There is a Hausa proverb that says, “Idan kunne ya ji, to jiki ya tsira”, whose literal translation is, when the ear hears, the body is safe.

Running Mate : Kwankwaso May Pick Wike Or Donald Duke

As a war veteran, and an indisputable patriot, that is prepared to defend his country against enemies or detractors, Obasanjo’s position on
Nigeria is unchallenged. Of course he has his weaknesses, but compromising national unity is not amongst.

Chief Olusegun Mathew Okikiola Ogunboye Aremu Obasanjo was Nigeria’s military Head of State from 1976 to 1979 and later the elected President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007. In between the two tenures at the top, he served as a prisoner, after being convicted by a secret military tribunal for plotting to overthrow the government of General Sani Abacha in 1995. On his release and pardon by the regime of Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, Obasanjo was washed into the PDP and promoted to the position of an elected President.

On the advise of his backers, Obasanjo chose Atiku Abubakar, as his running mate, or Vice Presidential candidate for the 1999 presidential election. Together, they emerged victorious, and ran the offices of the President and that of the Vice President almost in conformity with the dictionary ambition of the phrase, CLOSELY ASSOCIATED POLITICAL OFFICES.

However, pursuant to his satanic scheme for a third term in office, beyond the second term that should expire in 2007, which runs contrary to the provision of the constitution, and which Atiku Abubakar fought tooth and nail, the relationship between Obasanjo and Atiku has been everything but wholehearted.

As Nigerians await the final decision of Tinubu on who would be his running mate, Obasanjo, Tinubu’s kinsman, though one that always takes an opposite position, has once more voiced out his grief or sorrow, with special reference to the two mistakes he made in life. The first was the choice of his running mate , while the second was his refusal to accept an asylum when he was told that the late Head of State, Gen.Sani Abacha, wanted to arrest him.

We don’t know what repercussion would have come had he succeeded in the third term plot, which his running mate aborted, but he clearly paid on his refusal to accept an asylum abroad.

So on the subject of choosing a Vice Presidential candidate, and in order to avoid lucid lamentations, occasioned by the malady of making a mindless mistake, I would advise Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to discard his political disagreements with Obasanjo, and take serious the issue of who becomes his authentic running mate.

“Idan kunne ya ji, to jiki ya tsira”,

Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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Opinion

Scholarship or Trap? Why Northern Nigerian Youth Must Verify Foreign Opportunities

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By Alhassan Bala

Hundreds of young Nigerians, including students and graduates from northern Nigeria, have benefited from legitimate scholarships and educational opportunities offered by foreign governments and institutions. Such programmes can open doors to quality education, professional development and international exposure.

However, the growing use of social media to advertise scholarships, jobs and training opportunities abroad also presents serious risks.

Some seemingly attractive offers may be fraudulent, exploitative or even serve as channels for human trafficking and forced recruitment.

This is why young Nigerians must exercise extreme caution before accepting foreign scholarships or employment opportunities promoted online.

Recently, I came across a northern Nigerian professor working outside the country advising Nigerians, particularly young people from the North, to take advantage of a scholarship opportunity reportedly being promoted by educators he knows in Russia.

I have enormous respect for the professor, as I do for many academics who genuinely want to help young Nigerians access opportunities abroad.

Nevertheless, his recommendation reminded me of the disturbing experience surrounding the Alabuga recruitment programme in Russia and the need for prospective applicants to verify such offers independently before travelling.

The Alabuga warning,
For those unfamiliar with the Alabuga controversy, the programme began attracting young Africans through online advertisements offering employment, vocational training and what was presented in some cases as educational opportunities in Russia.

Investigations by international and Nigerian media later raised serious concerns about the programme.

Young Africans, including Nigerians, were recruited through social media and other online channels and taken to Russia.

Reports indicated that some participants who expected education or employment opportunities ended up working in facilities associated with the production of drones used by Russia in its war against Ukraine.

The Nigerian Ministry of Education subsequently said its website had been compromised and that advertisements for the controversial Alabuga Start programme had been posted without official authorisation.

Officials also stressed that the programme was not part of Nigeria’s approved bilateral scholarship arrangements with Russia.

The episode should have taught Nigerians an important lesson: the appearance of government endorsement, the involvement of a university professor or the presence of an attractive scholarship advertisement on social media does not, by itself, establish that an opportunity is genuine or safe.

From scholarships to the battlefield.

There is an even more disturbing dimension to the growing concern over recruitment of Africans to Russia.

In recent years, reports have emerged of Africans travelling to Russia after being promised civilian employment, only to find themselves recruited into the Russian military and deployed to the war in Ukraine.

In February 2026, the Russian ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that Moscow operated any government-supported programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

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He said that if illegal individuals or organisations were recruiting Nigerians unlawfully, such activities were not connected to the Russian state.

Despite the denial, investigations and reports have documented cases involving Nigerians and other Africans who allegedly travelled to Russia believing they were taking up civilian jobs before being sent to the battlefield. In one widely reported Nigerian case, Adam Anas and other Nigerians were recruited under the guise of security employment and subsequently deployed to fight in Ukraine.

The cases are not limited to Nigeria. In March 2026, the Association of Nigerien Students in Russia announced the death of Abdoulaye Issaka Ismael, a Nigerien master’s student who, according to the student organisation, had been recruited into Russian combat forces and deployed to the frontline in Ukraine.

Ghana has also reported serious losses. Its Foreign Minister disclosed in February 2026 that 55 Ghanaians had died after being lured into fighting in the Ukraine war, while hundreds more were believed to have joined the Russian military.

These cases demonstrate that the danger is not merely theoretical.

The lesson for young Nigerians, especially those desperately seeking educational or employment opportunities abroad, is straightforward: verify before you travel.

Anyone offered a scholarship in Russia or any other foreign country should first establish whether the programme is officially recognised by the Nigerian government and the government of the destination country.

Applicants should independently contact the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the relevant embassy or high commission before committing money, submitting sensitive documents or travelling.

They should also verify the name of the university, its accreditation, the exact course of study, the physical location of the institution, the identity of the sponsoring organisation and the legal status of whoever is recruiting them.

Most importantly, prospective applicants should be suspicious of opportunities that are promoted exclusively through WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, TikTok or other social media platforms, particularly when recruiters pressure applicants to travel quickly or discourage them from contacting government authorities.

A genuine scholarship should withstand scrutiny.

Northern Nigeria has millions of young people searching for education, employment and opportunities to improve their lives.

That makes the region particularly vulnerable to individuals who exploit unemployment and economic hardship with promises of quick opportunities abroad.

Professors, academics, journalists, community leaders and other influential Nigerians therefore have a special responsibility when sharing foreign opportunities.

Before recommending a scholarship or job to young people, they should verify it through official channels and make the evidence available to prospective applicants.

A recommendation from a respected professor can give an opportunity credibility that it may not deserve. If the opportunity later turns out to be fraudulent, the consequences may be devastating.

The Nigerian government also needs to do more.
Government agencies responsible for education, foreign affairs, Nigeria Immigration Service, labour and youth development should maintain accessible, regularly updated databases of approved foreign scholarships and legitimate overseas recruitment programmes.

They should also promptly alert Nigerians whenever questionable opportunities emerge online.

The Alabuga experience showed how easily a dubious programme could acquire an appearance of legitimacy when its advertisements appeared on an official government website.

The subsequent reports about Africans being deceived into military service demonstrate the potentially fatal consequences of inadequate verification and oversight.

Young Nigerians deserve opportunities, but they also deserve protection.

A scholarship should lead to a classroom, laboratory or recognised institution not a factory where they are exploited, and certainly not a battlefield.

For young Nigerians seeking opportunities abroad, the safest rule is simple: do not trust an opportunity because it looks attractive; verify it because your life may depend on it.

Alhassan Bala, wrote this piece from Abuja

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Opinion

Between Sabotage and Scepticism: Why Nigeria’s Oil Dream Keeps Stalling

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Halima Aminu

 

By Halima Aminu

Governments do not only govern, they communicate governance. And in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the distance between what the government says it is doing and what its strategies are actually delivering has become one of the most consequential communication failures in the country’s recent economic history. Evaluating the Nigerian government’s strategies to increase oil and gas production is therefore not merely a matter of counting barrels. It is a matter of examining how those strategies are framed, how credibly they are communicated to critical stakeholders, and whether the outward narrative is supported by institutional reality on the ground.

The government’s dominant communication frame around oil and gas recovery has been one of triumphant reversal. Official figures show that national crude output, which had collapsed to dangerously low levels around 960,000 barrels per day in 2022 among the worst in Nigeria’s recent production history has climbed back to an average of approximately 1.71 million barrels per day in 2025, with peaks approaching 1.84 million barrels per day. As a communication strategy, this frame is deliberately constructed to project momentum, competence, and institutional control three attributes any government managing a resource-dependent economy urgently needs its investors and citizens to associate with its leadership.

The problem with this framing is not that the numbers are fabricated. The problem is that production recovery, presented in isolation, is a selective narrative. It tells the audience what improved without adequately explaining what remains structurally broken. Strategic communication theory draws a clear distinction between impression management projecting a preferred image and genuine credibility-building, which demands alignment between message and demonstrable reality. Nigeria’s government is currently far more invested in the former than the latter, and sophisticated investors, who are the primary audience for this messaging, are professionally trained to detect that gap.

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The Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 represents the most structurally significant legislative intervention in Nigeria’s energy sector in decades, and its potential is genuine. Its gas fiscal incentives have begun attracting new production-sharing arrangements with international partners. Its Host Community Development Trust framework had channelled substantial funding into hundreds of community projects across the Niger Delta by late 2025 a structural attempt to address the root communication breakdown between oil-producing communities and the Nigerian state, rather than merely managing its symptoms.

Yet even here, the government’s communication strategy reveals a persistent weakness. Five years after the PIA’s enactment, the law has succeeded in restructuring institutional forms creating new regulatory bodies, new oversight frameworks, new corporate structures. What it has not yet succeeded in doing is restructuring institutional culture. Rules exist on paper that are not consistently enforced in practice. Transparency mechanisms are in place that are not routinely populated with verifiable data. Approval processes have been reformed structurally but remain administratively slow in execution.

Nigeria’s oil is real. Its gas reserves, among the largest in the world, are real. Its production recovery, partial and structurally fragile as it remains, is real. What is not yet real not convincingly, not sustainably is the institutional framework that would make those assets fully and rationally investable at the scale the country requires. And what is equally not yet real is a government communication strategy sophisticated enough to build the credibility that framework needs to be believed.

Until Nigeria’s government understands that the long-term persuasiveness of its oil and gas strategy depends as much on how it communicates as on what it does and that impression management is not a substitute for institutional accountability the oil dream will continue to do what it has always done: inspire at the announcement stage, disappoint at the delivery stage, and leave Nigeria perpetually situated between sabotage on the ground and scepticism in the boardrooms of the investors it cannot afford to keep losing.

Aminu Halima
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
200 Level

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