Opinion

The Political Economy of Cryptocurrency

Published

5 years ago

March 17, 2021

-By Muhammad Ahmad Iliasu.

One would have to wonder how huge the work rate of economic theory must be to astonishingly liberate existential debates on the possibility or otherwise, the undertones and the future of currency digitalization – which has been the major talking phenomenon since the slump in 2008. Nevertheless, a free flow of theoretical opinions and treatise prescriptions by established economists, prophecies of doom and suggestions in persuasion by ecosystem commentators is only expected when the phenomenon is a determining factor on the future of money and the role of government.

Cryptocurrency as the so-called apolitical and decentralized digital currency is an economic phenomenon like any other, unlike what many people think, and therefore has a meaningful context inside the economic theory. On its own merits, its warranted to say that the economic relevance of the phenomenon takes the courtesy of massaging the idea of the monetary economists who hold immense reservations upon the centralization of money supply and government intervention in general, along the line rattling the scrutiny of the neo-Keynesian economists and their sensitivity to the centralization of money supply and government intervention generally.

Predicting the major stand of the two distinguished schools would economically speaking, be as easier as tracing the economic backgrounds of their distinctive arguments. The neo-Keynesians would naturally be anti-cryptocurrency for the threat it cast upon centralization and the policing of financial bubbles. While the monetarists would be more inclined to be pro-cryptocurrency for the opportunity it brings their thoughts on fixation and decentralization. Why they hold their stands should be discussed later in the essay.

-What is a cryptocurrency and why has it been introduced?

The 2008 global financial crisis was a moment in history during which bankers’ hubris blew out spectacularly. The big number of jobs, businesses, houses and assets lost to crisis crushed people’s optimism to the level where the trust between economic society and bankers alongside their politicians allies arrived under radical scrutiny. People felt the impact of the crisis and therefore no longer trust the engineers that created it – the bankers and the politicians. As a response, the Central Bank governors of the G-20 organized a meeting to discuss how the bankers were to be rescued from the financial disaster. The concerned populace who understood how banking hubris works and what the bailout could turn out to be, began to exercise the hope and thoughts of having a medium of exchange (read: currency or money), that get affected neither by the hubris of bankers nor by the skeptical government intervention. An apolitical money that can’t be controlled by the central, and democratically decentralized in a nature that it’ll be a currency of the people, for the people and by the people.

In an attempt to satisfy people’s wish for apolitical currency, an email was received bearing the signature of Satoshi Nakamoto (who is still yet to be to identified) carrying an algorithm that meets people’s ideals, what we currently call “Bitcoin”. The beauty of Nakamoto’s algorithm was that it did away with the ledger run by a central authority but still managed to ensure that a single currency unit could never be copied or spent twice. The whole community using Bitcoin would share in the task by each making available a small part of their computer’s capacity for this purpose. Everyone would observe everyone else’s transactions, ensuring their validity, while at the same time no one would know whose transactions they were observing, safeguarding privacy. Many people around the world were enthused and signed up. Until a large scandal perpetrated by entrepreneurs who exploited people’s fears against fraud to collect their quantity of Bitcoin for safeguarding only for them to run away with it. And with the absence of a centralized controller, people lost their money without insurance or bailout.

That was the inception of cryptocurrency and the reason behind its introduction. But as any logical thinker could guess, the nature of the currency and the reasons behind it are all pending the complexities of an ecosystem that doesn’t get easily overrun by the wildness of popular fantasies. Some of those complexities were explained inside the economic theory, experienced in the past, and are the skeletal frameworks forming the arguments of the monetarists and Neo-Keynesians.

-Crisis and Logic of History.

When the hell of economic crisis broke loose in Europe and America back in 1929, a policy prescription that aimed at controlling inflation was introduced which convinced the US and the European economies to print only the quantity supply of money that corresponds to the same amount of gold reserve, the so-called “Gold Standard”. Through Gold Standard, economies were cuffed to hinder the reckless printing of money – which was the determining factor in the surge of inflation. For if countries are obliged to print money with respect to gold reserve – something with limited, though intrinsic supply – the velocity of money in circulation would be reasonable and the money supply is tied to a commodity that doesn’t get assassinated by inflation. That way, the countries found a standard and common dictator of their currency value, just like the dollar nowadays. But a few years later, the demand for money began to exceed the supply, due to the limited supply of money as a result of printing per unit of gold. And shortly afterward, the story changed. Inflation – an occurrence when the quantity of money in the economy chases the same quantity of a commodity, causing the prices to unhealthily rise – culminated into what the economists call “Deflation” – an occurrence when too less quantity of money chases significantly higher quantity of commodities, causing a significant a fall in the price of goods and services below their actual and reasonable value.

The deflation in the US forced the hands of the then government under President Roosevelt, and the European economies, the emissary of which was the famous John Maynard Keynes, to abolish the “Gold Standard”. It was later adopted and abolished once again by President Nixon in the 70s. The underlying rationale behind the consistent execution and abolishing of the policy during the 20th century was informed by the standard economic theory that asserts and has been proven accurate that when money supply is fixed below the rate of public demand, deflation will strike. In the same way, when it is left uncontrolled beyond the public demand, inflation will strike.

Along the same curve, the decentralized nature of Cryptocurrency means it can’t be policed by any institution, rather a blockchain that comprises of different unidentified individuals with an asymmetric chance of arriving at a consensus. And when Satoshi Nakamoto (who is yet to be known) explained his algorithm in 2009, it was specified that the total supply of Bitcoin was certainly fixed, with the mining only certain to grow slowly until it reaches a maximum number of 1 million Bitcoins sometime in 2032. That means the digital currency is problematic in two ways; first it makes crisis more likely and secondly it offers no room for government to alleviate the crisis. So the prospects of any economy that gets into bed with cryptocurrency resemble the pre-1929 unpoliced economy that was crushed by absurd inflation. The same way its limited supply renders the prospects of any economy that adopts it to face the threat of post-1929 economy that was plagued by Gold Standard deflation. So in short, with cryptocurrency, it’s either deflation or inflation, with price and currency stability extremely unlikely.

That was the viewpoint of the Neo-Keynesian economists, mostly the alumni of Harvard. The most vocal being the American economist and crisis expert, Professor Roubiel Roubini from the University of New York, who even believes that cryptocurrency has no feature of money. And the Greek economist and author, Professor Yanis Varoufakis from the University of Athens. The latter dedicated a whole chapter to discussing the issue extensively in the prolific crisis-dissecting book, “The Brief History of Capitalism”. While the former is quite consistent with podcasts and interviews.

-Modern Sensitivity to Technology and impact of Optimism.

In contrast to the belief of the Neo-Keynesians, the most influential figure in the monetary school, Milton Friedman, originally proposed a fixed monetary rule, called Friedman’s k-percent rule, where the money supply would be automatically increased by a fixed percentage per year. Under this rule, there would be no leeway for the central reserve bank, as money supply increases could be determined “by a computer”, and business could anticipate all money supply changes. With other monetarists, he believed that the active manipulation of the money supply or its growth rate is more likely to destabilize than stabilize the economy. So the most important area of concentration is price stability rather than currency stability as proposed by Keynes.

The mention of computers by Friedman, and the fixed increase rate of money per year, agrees with two of the three most important features of cryptocurrency, which are digitalization and the fixed increase rate of Bitcoin until 2032. While the consistent castigating of the Central Bank by Friedman and Schwartz skews their idea closer to decentralization than otherwise.

The monetarists who are mostly anti-Keynes and subtly pro-decentralization arrived fierce to debunk what they call nostalgia that was inspired by an obsession with post-crisis literature, mostly the contributions of Keynes that comprises of “The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1932)” and “A Treatise on Money 1930”. The mainstream among their economic commentators debunks the thesis in some of the post-2008 contributions of Yanis Varoufakis that discussed the economy and future of capitalism. Books like “The Brief History of Capitalism (2014)”, “Adults In the Room: My Battle with Europe’s Deep Establishment (2017), “And The Weak Suffer What They Must: Europe, Austerity and the Threat to Global Stability (2016)”.

-Music and Musing; where do I stand?

Having observed the possible major stands of the two distinctive schools, the argument of pro-Keynes that revolves around the fixated supply of cryptocurrency was debunked once again by the creation of other types of cryptocurrencies like Ethereum and Dodge, which unlike Bitcoin are of unlimited supply. So one of the two problems of digital currency is said to be eliminated. Meanwhile, while decentralization remains a concern for any individual household that understands the importance and need for government intervention, major technologically-innovative countries like China and Japan are already paving the way for decentralization of their financial institutions to accommodate the cryptocurrency. And the decision is being backed by lucrative optimism from the buyers of Bitcoin and other forms of cryptocurrency, which is driving its value crazily higher than expected. For what that’s worth, it’s certain that cryptocurrency is surging for a reason, the same way it could be said it’s here for a reason. To quixotic commentators, it’s more like the introduction of the computer in the ’80s, so it’ll be correct if termed inevitable. Therefore judging from the flow, perhaps in the grand scheme of things the digital currency would have to be accommodated if it continues to dominate the economy. The question is when?

The rhetoric also begs the question; maybe the economists that are using Keynes to reject crypto are indeed plagued by nostalgia and fear that was bred due to consumption of post-crisis literature judging from the way cryptocurrency has been gathering incredible optimism and momentum. The reception it receives from rational and visionary capitalists like Elon Musk suggests so. But equally important are the questions: what would be the future of government without its ability to regulate money supply? What would be the response of America to a phenomenon that could dwarf the demand for the dollar and the democratic nature of which could swindle the dollarization policy? What would be the second reaction of Third World countries whose democracies are so young and fragile, economies too unstable and inconsistent as to give-in to decentralization? What solution is there for the possible reoccurrence of the 2008 e-Theft?

Privatization of Public Spaces: A Tragedy for Land Use Planning in Kano Metropolis

Currently, not enough has been said or shown to indicate the wavering of governmental institutions as to give up their power on the money supply. Chinese and Japanese economies are too advanced to be the sample of inference while judging possible decentralization in countries like Nigeria that has been fighting its second recession in a half-decade, accumulating large chunk of debt and abject recession for almost a decade despite surprisingly being one of the highest traders of the cryptocurrency. It’s no wonder that the CBN banned it outrightly. First for being ignorant of its dynamics as was learned from the governor. And second for having neither the efficient economic environment nor the institutional strength to accommodate it. Likewise, where the accommodation of decentralization is concerned, banking sectors will have to restructure for the death of their last resort – the Central Bank. And when all the transactions are fiat, an existential crisis looms in the employment department of the banking sector.

There’s also the case of cryptocurrency as a simultaneous medium of exchange and investment. When it becomes dominant the economic society may fall victim to the fallacy of composition and paradox of thrift, because more people would rather save their money in crypto to enjoy its speedy appreciation in value than do otherwise. And that would put the multiplier effect of disposable income and immediate consumption in jeopardy. The circular flow of income may turn into a vicious circle of rational economic households looking to outsmart themselves for profit but are subconsciously crushing the entire ecosystem. The digital running of the currency as an investment medium will remain the major avenue of investment, and little do we forget that it’s greatly influenced by speculation. And like Keynes said in the prophetic “General Theory: “Speculators may do no harm as bubbles on a steady stream of enterprise. But the position is serious when an enterprise becomes a bubble on a whirlpool of speculation. When the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino, the job is likely to be ill done.”

The Keynesian prophets of doom should do kindly as to exercise patience. In the same way, the monetarists should enjoy their giant leap forward towards decentralization. Who is right shall be vindicated by time. If it’s the Keynesians the status quo lives on. And if it’s the monetarists we can look back to 2008 and say the crisis is indeed the laboratory of the future. But personally, I don’t think money can ever be apolitical, governments are as old and their influence as lasting as the social contract itself. In the same way, I believe in the strength of optimism, which is driving all the possibilities of cryptocurrency. After all, as Keynes said: “Investment is dedicating our intelligence in predicting what average opinion expects the average opinion to be”. If the blockchain behind Nakamoto’s algorithm keeps getting the mind of the global economy spot on, Cryptocurrency are more than capable of being here to stay. But where an error occurs all hell would break loose. Whatever happens, we shall live to witness.

MA Iliasu studies economics at Bayero University, Kano.

Opinion

Al-Istiqama University @5: So far, so good

Published

7 hours ago

January 10, 2026

Nigerian Tracker

Al-Istiqama University is a private tertiary institution located in Sumaila local government area of Kano state. The university was granted license for operation in April 2021 by the National Universities Commission (NUC).

However, the university commenced academic activities on September 2021 with 2020/2021 academic session. It took-off with 15 programmes across three Faculties; Basic Health Science, Arts and Social Management and Science and Computing.

The University is running the following courses under the Faculty of Arts and Social Management Science; Accounting, Islamic Studies, Economics, Entrepreneurial Studies, Political Science and Taxation, while under the Faculty of Basic Health Science and Science and Computing, it runs BMLS Medical Laboratory Science, BN.Sc Nursing and Public Health.

Under the Faculty of Science and Computing, the university is running Biology, Chemistry, Computer Science and Mathematics Software Engineering and Physics with Electronics.

In 2023, the university obtained an approval to mount 10 additional undergraduate degree programmes across the three faculties. These are B.A Arabic, B.A English, B.A Shari’ah, B.Sc. Criminology Security Studies, B.Sc. International Relations, B.Sc. Peace Students and Conflicts Resolution, B.Sc. Sociology, B. Community Health, B. Environmental Health and B.Sc. Biotechnology.

Consequently, in October 2024, after three years under provisional license, the National Universities Commission (NUC) granted full operational status to the university, affirmed its compliance with regulatory standards for facilities, staff, governance and academic programmes.
One of the hallmarks of Al-Istiqama University is its unwavering commitments to discipline and safety. The university maintains a strict zero-tolerance policy towards drug abuse, ensuring a healthy and secure environment for both students and staff.

Also, through close collaboration with relevant authorities, the institution has established itself as one of the safest tertiary institutions in Kano State.
Since its inception, Al-Istiqama University has been dedicated to bridging educational gaps, promoting global study, and fostering experiential learning, interdisciplinary scholarship, creativity, and entrepreneurial spirit—all rooted in the fear of Allah.

Four years after its establishment, Al-Istiqama has witnessed unprecedented and rapid developments both academically and structurally. The institution’s holistic approach to education, combined with its affordable fees, state-of-the-art facilities, and commitment to sustainability in its services, has positioned it as a beacon of excellence among its peers in Nigeria and beyond.

The management of the institution, in its efforts to make the university’s environment conducive for learning, remained resolute in providing all it requires to make the university meet the standard. for instance, the management has provided modern facilities including road networking, solar-powered street lights, clinic facility, lecture halls, classrooms, lecture theaters, and laboratories.

The university’s hostels have been revamped to provide comfortable and serene living spaces for the students. The special hostel complex with specifications of two students per room which foundation was laid in 2024 has been completed with a view to providing comfort to students.

Additionally, the 250-bed capacity Teaching Hospital meant to carter for the needs of sciences students which was also started in 2024, has not only been completed but equipped with state-of-arts hospital equipment.

Beside the provisions of solar-powered street lights within the campuses of the university, similar source of energy has been provided to essential faculties and departments in order to ease the students’ coursework.

These upgrades reflect the institution’s dedication to creating a holistic and conducive environment that supports both academic and personal growth for both the students, lecturers and other staff of the university.

In February 2025, Al-Istiqama made a history by holding its maiden convocation to celebrate its first set of 246 graduates who completed their studies across the three faculties. During the convocation, the institution honored prominent personalities including the 14th Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi, Emir of Dutse, Alhaji Hameem Nuhu Sanusi, Chairman of AA Rano Industries limited, Alhaji Auwalu A. Rano, Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, former speaker, House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara and the immediate past Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Salisu Shehu.
The institution also named two newly constructed females’ hostels after Hajiya Saudatu Husini and Hajiya Gaji Fadimatu, mothers of the 14th Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II and Emir of Dutse, Alhaji Hameem Nuhu Sanusi respectively.
Another females’ hostel was named after Hajiya Hajara Abdullahi, mother of the Kano renowned business mogul, Alhaji Auwalu Rano, while the University’s library after the immediate past Vice Chancellor, Professor Salisu Shehu, while the newly constructed Faculty of Law was named after Senator Aminu Waziri Tambuwal.
Also, some newly constructed offices and classes complexes were named after Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara, three former Governors of Kano state, Dr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau and Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.
Following to appointment of Professor Salisu Shehu as the Executive Secretary, Nigerian Educational Research Development Commission (NERDC) by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Professor Abdulhadi Sale Kumurya was appointed substantive Vice Chancellor of the University in September 2025.

The university has graduated a total of 244 students at the end of the 2023/2024 academic session, while at the end of the 2024/2025 academic session 90 students from the departments of Medical Laboratory Science and Nursing were graduated and inducted into their respective councils on the 9th December 2025.

In October last year, the university obtained an additional approval to mount 25 new undergraduate degree programmes, expanding the number of facilities to seven from three. The three additional faculties include Faculty of Clinical Sciences, Faculty of Engineering, Faculty of Law and Faculty of Basic Medical Science.

Also, in October 2025, the university obtained another approval from the NUC to mount 105 Post Graduate Courses. Preparations have reached advance stage for the commencement of the Post Graduate Courses in the university.

Opinion

When Power Meets Purpose: Why Abba Kabir Yusuf’s APC Move Is Kano’s Necessary Turn

Published

2 days ago

January 8, 2026

Nigerian Tracker

By Abdulkadir Ahmed Ibrahim (Kwakwatawa), FNGE.

In politics, moments arise when loyalty to a platform must give way to loyalty to the people. There are seasons when courage is not found in standing still, but in moving forward with clarity of purpose. Kano State stands at such a moment. The planned defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress is not an act of betrayal. It is a call to responsibility, a deliberate choice shaped by necessity, foresight, and the overriding interest of Kano and its people.

Perhaps power, when isolated, grows weak. Governance, when detached from the centre, struggles to deliver. Since the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as governor, Kano has found itself standing alone in the national space. Federal presence is thin, strategic attention limited. The state that once sat confidently at the table of national influence now watches key decisions pass by without its voice fully heard. This isolation is not a reflection of the governor’s intent or capacity; it is the reality of operating outside the ruling structure in a political environment where access often determines outcomes.

It is common knowledge that governors do not govern in a vacuum. Roads, security, education, health, and economic revival depend on cooperation between state and federal authorities. When that bridge is weak, the people bear the cost. Kano today needs bridges, not walls. It needs inclusion, not distance. It needs a seat where decisions are shaped, not a gallery where outcomes are merely observed.

The internal tension surrounding the emirate question has further deepened uncertainty. While history and tradition demand respect, governance demands stability. Prolonged disputes distract leadership, unsettle investors, and weigh heavily on public confidence. At such a time, a governor requires strong institutional backing and political leverage to navigate sensitive reforms with balance and authority. Standing alone makes that task far more difficult than it ought to be.

More troubling is the visible absence of federal projects and partnerships. In a country where development is often driven by political proximity, Kano cannot afford to remain on the margins. A state of its stature, population, and historical relevance deserves more than sympathetic silence. It deserves action, presence, and partnership.

It is within this context that Abba Kabir Yusuf’s movement toward the APC must be understood. Not as personal ambition, but as strategic realism. Not as political convenience, but as a pathway to unlock opportunities long denied by distance from power.

By extension, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso stands at a defining crossroads. History has placed him in a rare position. He is respected across party lines, commands a loyal following, and remains one of the most influential political figures in Northern Nigeria. Above all, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu holds him in high regard. They share a common political generation, having both served as governors in 1999, shaped by the same democratic rebirth and seasoned by time and experience.

In addition, one can recall that both Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Bola Tinubu were at the National Assembly under the platform of the now defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP, during the short-lived 3rd Republic. The former was the Deputy Speaker at the House of Representatives while the latter was a Senator together with Late Senator Engineer Magaji Abdullahi who was also elected under the same SDP ticket.

Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi a former Deputy Governor of Kano State (2003 to 2007) and also a former Chief Executive of the State owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency, WRECA, in the 1980s was a benefactor of Engineers Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Abba Kabir Yusuf were they first met as members of staff.

The late successful Kano technocrat, accomplished engineer, career civil servant charismatic and vibrant national politician was a close ally and associate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu starting from the SDP days and the duo was some of the foundation members of the APC.

The President’s repeated extension of an olive branch to Kwankwaso is therefore not accidental. These gestures are acknowledgements of value, respect, and shared history. They signal recognition of Kwankwaso’s political weight and his capacity to contribute meaningfully at the national level. When such calls come consistently, wisdom suggests they should not be ignored. Kwankwaso should heed the call by moving along with the political direction of Kano State.

The truth is unavoidable. The political home Kwankwaso once built no longer offers the shelter it promised. The NNPP is enmeshed in internal crises that threaten its very identity. Court cases over party ownership and recognition pose serious risks. With the Independent National Electoral Commission recognising one faction amid raging disputes, the platform has become unstable ground for any serious electoral ambition. Under these circumstances, entering the 2027 race either with Abba Kabir Yusuf seeking re election on the NNPP platform or Kwankwaso pursuing a presidential ambition would amount to gambling against history and reason.

The alternatives are no better. The Peoples Democratic Party is fractured, weakened by internal contradictions and persistent leadership disputes. Its once formidable structure now struggles to inspire confidence. The African Democratic Congress, on the other hand, is ideologically and historically uncomfortable for Kwankwaso. Many of its leading figures were once his fiercest rivals. They resisted him in the PDP and are unlikely to allow him meaningful influence now. Political memory is long, and grudges rarely dissolve.

Beyond current realities lies a deeper lesson from history. Regional parties, no matter how passionate or popular within their strongholds, have rarely succeeded on the national stage. From the First Republic to the Fourth, the pattern remains consistent. Nigeria rewards broad coalitions, not narrow bases. Power flows where diversity converges.

The APC today represents that convergence. It is not perfect, but it is expansive. It is national in outlook, broad in structure, and firmly in control of the federal machinery. For Kano, aligning with the APC is not surrender. It is strategy. It is an investment in relevance, access, and development.

For Abba Kabir Yusuf, the move is about delivering tangible dividends of democracy. For Kwankwaso, it is about securing a future that reflects his stature and experience. Loyalty, in its truest sense, is not blind attachment to a platform. It is fidelity to the welfare of followers, to the aspirations of a people, and to the demands of the moment.

Politics is not static. It is a living conversation between ideals and realities. When realities change, wisdom adapts. Kano’s future demands bold choices, not sentimental delays. The music is louder now. The moment is clearer. The door is open.

History favours those who recognise when to move. For Abba Kabir Yusuf and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the path toward the APC is not a retreat from principle. It is a step toward purpose. They should go back to where they rightly belong. And for Kano, it may well be the bridge back to the centre, where its voice belongs and its destiny can be fully pursued.

Abdulkadir, a Fellow of Nigerian Guild of Editors, former National Vice President of the NUJ, Veteran Journalist, was the Press Secretary of the former Deputy Governor Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi.

Opinion

Legislative Brilliance : DSP Barau Lights Up Al-Hikmah University

Published

3 days ago

January 8, 2026

Nigerian Tracker

By Abba Anwar

The management of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara state, shopped for an individual politician, whose intervention cuts across all sections of the country, with vigor, informed scholarship, skilful understanding of democracy and a patriotic contributor for national development. In their search, they stop on the table of the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, as they invited him to deliver the Convocation Lecture during the 15th Convocation Ceremony of the University, Wednesday.

Looking at the title of the lecture, “Managing Executive–Legislature Relations towards Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic,” it is glaring that, only informed political leaders, with the needed exposure, could add value to the discussion. Not vague and fairy tales tellers.

Amidst scholars, democrats and activists, Senator Barau explores legislative expertise and scholarly advancement of discussion about genuine democracy around national development. A position that underscores the imperative of harmonious executive-legislative relations for Nigeria’s democratic consolidation.

While the lecture did not focus “… on the evolving relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999,” only, the lecture positions the DSP as a scholarly voice of governance.

Being a member of the House of Representatives in 1999 and now a Senator, Deputy Senate President, to be precise, and looking beyond his state or any micro political entity, he believes, profoundly that, the executive and the legislature must work together to address the challenges plaguing the nation.

As he delved into figurative identification of the productive and close nexus relationship that exists between the National Assembly and the executive arm under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, he enunciated that, only collaborative effort, amongst the two arms, could save the country. Hence, in his own terms, both executive and legislature are unarguably on the same page, of making Nigeria great again.

Apart from his scholarly discussion on the theme, his interventions in the education sector, back home in Kano and the nation in general, informed all decisions across the academic environment, there, and students’ bodies, to present to him Awards of Excellence. To officially recognize him as an icon for the development of the education sector in the land.

They all appreciated his contributions to students through scholarships scheme, for studies in different fields of study. Both within and outside the country. As thousands get access to his scheme. He was identified as one of the leading national politicians whose contributions to education are immensely spotted and glaring. Some defined him as a National Messiah for Education.

Many Professors and academics, who attended the lecture, described him as a scholar in his own right. Whose arguments in the paper he presented, showcase how deeply rooted he is in the art of governance, legislation and engaging democratic activism.

The Deputy Senate President believes that, “A consolidated democracy is one in which political actors, institutions, and citizens internalise democratic norms, and where the probability of democratic breakdown becomes remote.”

He got standing ovation when he paraphrased, Diamond’s (1999) argument that, “In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, democratic consolidation extends beyond the regular conduct of elections. It encompasses adherence to constitutionalism, respect for separation of powers, accountability, rule of law, and effective inter-institutional collaboration.

The Executive-Legislature relationship therefore constitutes a critical arena in which democratic values are either strengthened or undermined.”

DSP’s deeper knowledge of national democratic structure and his patriotic engagement for national cohesion and adherence to global experience, came on board when he posits that, “Early years of the Fourth Republic were marked by frequent conflicts over leadership of the National Assembly, budgetary processes, impeachment threats, and oversight functions which constitute impediments towards democratic consolidation after prolonged military rule.”

All the bottlenecks in his classical analysis stem from “Executive dominance inherited from prolonged military rule, weak institutional capacity within the Legislature, partisan competition overriding constitutional responsibility and
personalisation of power rather than institutional governance.”

Distinguished Senator Barau’s Al-Hikmah University’s presentation of Convocation Lecture, pushed many to accept the fact and the obvious that, he is indispensably a rare gem in legislative environment and a political stretcher in the national scheme of things. A national figure with global outreach. A gentleman with informed mind, capable hands and coordinated brain. Whose silence and humility are not defeatist, but calculative strategy.

One of the things that you cannot take away from him is, he is a political figure with thoughtful approach to politics.

In his elderly advice to the graduands he said, “As graduands of Al-Hikma University step into society, I urge you to uphold democratic values, demand accountable governance, and contribute intellectually and ethically to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Democracy is not sustained by institutions alone, but by enlightened citizens and principled leaders.”

The concluding part of his paper, speaks volume about his unwavering belief in democratic process, patriotic leadership style and informed understanding of national politics devoid of ethnic chauvinism. Hear the gentleman, ” Distinguished audience, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has endured longer than any previous democratic experiment in our history.

This endurance, however, must be matched with qualitative democratic deepening. Managing Executive–Legislature relations with wisdom, restraint, and constitutional fidelity is central to this task.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Thursday, 8th January, 2026