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Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II, A Phoenix Rises

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Khalifa Muhammadu Sunusi II

 

 

By Muhammad Abu Ihsan

 

The news has just come this morning, of the installation in Sokoto yesterday, of His Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II as the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria, after the reign of late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, who had risen to the position after the demise of HH MSII’s grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I. Maasha Allah.

 

This is a very powerful spiritual and political position. Extremely so. It also comes with serious implications for the new Khalifa, and for governments, as well as for traditional leaderships around the country.

 

It compounds the Kano problem because Tijjanawa always projects their loyalty to the Tijjaniyya leadership, transcending all political and administrative boundaries. Since Kano is still a home of Tijjaniyya (as it is of Izala, and of Qadiriyya) the ascension of HH MSII to the leadership of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria seriously erodes the influence of Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado Bayero, and of any governor in Kano, as religious and political loyalty now go first to MSII.

 

Also, nationally, since Tijjaniyya is still the Islamic sect with the largest following in the Muslim North, and certainly the dominant theology in the Yoruba West, the religious and political influence of a dethroned emir, HH MSII, in Nigeria today, has grown substantially larger than it was when he was the Emir of Kano. His dethroned grandfather, Sarki Sir Muhammadu Sanusi I, although the leader of Tijjaniyya in Nigeria during his lifetime, had become ascetic after dethronement in 1963, and restricted himself, until his death, to personal spiritual asceticism without any public activity, even after the PRP government of Abubakar Rimi had made serious attempts to draw him out, after returning him into Kano territory (he chose Wudil) from exile.

 

However, with MSII active nationally and internationally in general public issues, in religious matters, in academic and intellectual engagements, and incorporate, as well as in multilateral engagements, his very high visibility, despite the limitations dethronement could have imposed on him, has just hit the stratosphere, and this is no exaggeration. For starters, elderly and revered Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi, a Tijjaniya behemoth who was in serious rivalry with the late Khalifa Isiaka Rabi’u, has no such issues with the new Khalifa MSII. If anything, HH MSII is regarded as a student and son by Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi. Similarly, another great Tijjaniyya leader of far-reaching influence all over Africa and the Middle East, Sharif Sheikh Ibrahim Saleh, Nigerian Muslim’s Grand Mufti, plays a father role to HH MSII. It then means that the new Khalifa leads a fully unified Tijjaniya, whose call can pull both the Isiaka Rabi’u and Dahiru Bauchi millions into Kano Race Course, Murtala Square Kaduna, or the Eagle Square in Abuja.

 

Additionally, HH MSII has over the years, been quite close to the key ulama and followers of the Ahlus Sunnah side (Izala and Salafiyya), such that their continued cooperation and partnership can be taken as guaranteed. His strong disapproval for Shi’a and Shi’ism further enhances this relationship and partnership with the Ahlus Sunnah (Izala and Salafiyya).

 

It is also worth noting that the investiture of the Khalifa position, instead of holding in Kano, due to current constraints, but could have held in Kaduna, Abuja, Ilorin, or Ibadan, took place instead, in Sokoto. This is highly significant. The support of His Eminence the Sultan, while a boon, creates further problems because Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, although hierarchically number three in the Sokoto Caliphate, and by protocol number four in Northern Nigeria, the recent butchering and subinfudation of Kano Emirate by Governor Ganduje has substantially diminished the current Emir, while the ascension of MSII to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjanniyya has compounded that problem. The excellent personal relationship between His Eminence the Sultan with MSII, something the dethroned Emir also has with quite a number of senior emirs, obas and obis around the country, all further elevate the status of MSII and unfortunately diminish the current Emir of Kano. This is potentially problematic and must be handled with extreme care.

 

Yesterday’s event in Sokoto may have been understated and deliberately underreported, but it registers very high on the Nigerian political Richter Scale. Tijjaniyya is a monolithic political force in West Africa, from Yoruba land, through Hausaland, into Ghana, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco. It goes through Algeria, Tunisia, troubled Libya, Egypt, down into Sudan and Chad, and other parts of Muslim East Africa. The prestige and influence of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya extend into these territories.

14th Emir of Kano set to relocate to Azare

With Buhari’s popularity and support substantially diminished, reinforced by his entry into his lame-duck period before exiting office in 2023, Khalifa Muhammadu Sanusi II may just have emerged as the most powerful, and influential Nigerian, despite his dethronement as Emir of Kano, just a little over a year ago. Again, while this is significantly positive, it can also be quite problematic, unless those problem areas are carefully managed. Tension within Kano and its subinfudated satellites of Bichi, Rano, Karaye and Gaya, and especially with Sarkin Kano Aminu Ado, will continue. Also, for the remainder of his tenure, with Governor Ganduje and his small coterie of contumacious political allies and handlers, one of which, Abbas, is related to MSII.

 

Constitutionally, HH MSII, like every Nigerian, has the freedom of movement. He can therefore travel and move around freely in any part of Nigeria. He can settle and live in any part of the country. The Constitution guarantees him this fundamental right. But for the moment, without and legal compulsion, he has constrained himself to stay away from Kano. This is understandable. But with his ascension to the position of the Khalifa of Tijjaniyya, a position based in Kano since its creation, and with the inevitable pull on him of Kano’s majority Tijjanawa for frequent presence and leadership, how long can the Khalifa keep himself away from Kano? And can Kano ever quietly receive Khalifa MSII, and not, literally bring out more than ninety percent of the citizens out into the streets to welcome him? “Ba a sarki biyu a gari daya” – there can never be two kings in one city/kingdom – according to an Hausa dictum. Are we going to see that in Kano?

 

From now on, wherever HH MSII goes in Nigeria and West Africa, he not only attracts bigger welcoming crowds than he did when he was emir, he also gets the reception of a head of state in some of those places. Especially in Ghana, Senegal, Niger, Morocco, and Sudan. Thanks to the spiritual and political power of Tijjaniyya leadership.

 

HH MSII must therefore ponder his new position, power and influence, and also take into cognisance his peculiar position of a dethroned emir of Kano. He should then evolve an appropriate administrative and protocol regimen that lessen, or ideally eliminate all possible jurisdictional conflicts with other leaders in their territories, most especially in Kano. Similarly, the government and traditional leaderships there should also evolve and adopt administrative and protocol flexibilities, accommodation, and general goodwill, for the sake of the people, and for a general peace, progress and security.

 

Wishing the new Khalifa of Tijjaniya in Nigeria a very peaceful and progressive reign.

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Opinion

Re: Invitation to HRH Sanusi Lamido Sanusi II, PhD

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Barr. Badamasi Suleiman Gandu.

On April 4, 2025, the Inspector General of Police issued a formal invitation to His Royal Highness the Emir of Kano, requesting his attendance for an investigative discussion at Force CID in Abuja, scheduled for April 8, 2025. This write-up will focus on the propriety of honoring the invitation.

The underlying reason for this invitation stems from the Emir holding Sallah Durbar despite a ban on such gatherings. While it is clear that the police do not possess the authority to ban the Durbar, they may impose restrictions for security reasons. However, it is evident that the motivation behind this ban is political, which raises the possibility of challenging the police’s directive. Notably, the police had prior knowledge of the security threats and presumably knew the individuals behind these threats, yet they failed to manage the situation effectively.

On Eid day, attending mosques for the observance of the two Raka’at prayer is a fundamental religious practice. Critics may question the Emir’s use of a horse, given police regulations prohibiting horse riding. However, riding after the Eid prayer is a Sunnah of our noble Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). By virtue of Section 38 of the Nigerian Constitution, the Emir is entitled to practice his religion freely and the police do not have the authority to prevent the Emir from exercising this right.

We were informed by the Kano State Police Command that the entourage of the Emir was attacked, leading to injuries and the tragic death of one of the Emir’s guards. In this instance, the Emir was invited for questioning. One could argue that if the Emir had not held the Durbar, the attack could have been averted. However, it is ultimately the police’s responsibility to prevent such incidents, not to prevent him from exercising his right to practice his religion. Had the police done their job, this tragedy would not have occurred. The police should be held accountable but not the Emir, more particularly he is the victim of the incidence.

The Emir also paid a visit to his mother and the Governor of Kano State using Cars, without the traditional titleholders, horse riding, or any form of Durbar, as it was merely a visitation. The visit was accompanied by his guards and supporters, and this should also be recognized as a legitimate religious observance and his right to movement and lawful assembly is in accordance with Sections 40 and 41 of the Constitution.

Constitutional rights are sacrosanct and guaranteed; they can only be tempered by the operation of a court of law. The police should have obtained a court order to derogate or restrain the Emir’s constitutional rights, failure of which renders their actions unjustified in the absence of such an order. Therefore, all actions of the Emir are legal.

The misuse of the police as instruments of political retribution is dangerous and damaging to our democracy. For instance, an Assistant Inspector General was demoted for commenting on the state of emergency proclamation in Rivers State. Under these circumstances, it is reasonable to presume that the Emir may not remain undisturbed.

In summary, the Emir has every right to challenge this invitation in court, as he is constitutionally entitled to practice his religion and has the right to free movement. I believe he has every justification to seek legal recourse and get justice.

 

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Opinion

Ganduje Repeats History, Takes Peace to Kano

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Ganduje making the address

 

By Abba Anwar

When the National Chairman of All Progressives Congress (APC) Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje CON, spoke at the Kano Emir’s Palace, to Emir Aminu Ado Bayero, yesterday, during his Sallah visit and condolence over the death of the Galadiman Kano, Alhaji Abbas Sanusi, what readily came to mind was Ganduje’s peaceful posture and his Ambassadorial position of peace and tranquility.

He opened his speech with this “We are here for condolence over the death of Galadiman Kano. This is a great loss not only to Kano or North, but to the entire nation.

We also want use this opportunity to rejoice with you on Sallah occasion. Barka da Sallah. To thank you and commend you for aborting danger especially when crisis was about to erupt when court ordered that status-quo ante be maintained.”

To remind my readers, it was Ganduje, when he was governor, who was instrumental in reconciling between Northern Youth Groups and Igbo communities across the 19 Northern states. When youth issued quit notice to all Igbos across the 19 Northern states.

He convened a grand reconciliation meeting in Kano, with the leadership of those groups and all Igbo leaders across Northern Nigeria. Within two days of genuine discussions and transparent deliberations, Nigeria was saved from falling into disastrous national ethnic crisis. National tragedy was avoided. Kudos to our detribalized and patriotic political leader. Ganduje Dan Kishi Kasa Da Kishin Kano!

No wonder, that and similar patriotic efforts paved many corridors for him to be highly recognized by all sections of the country, as a true leader of substance and indisputable peace maker. Part of such recognition was when he was conferred with the traditional title of Aguna Echemba 1 of Igbo Land (A lion who protects his territory and his people).

At the Emir’s Palace, the National Chairman commended Emir Bayero for being an acknowledged lover of peace. While making reference to the recent cancelation of Sallah Durbar and many other outdoor Sallah celebrations, even before our respected law enforcers, the Nigeria Police, banned all Sallah festivities of horse riding.

He said, “Based on court ruling (of maintaining status-quo ante) the legitimate Emir who supposed to organize and engage in Hawan Sallah, Durbar inclusive, is Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, the Emir of Kano.

But because there was commotion – like situation, His Highness, the Emir accepted the advice of our respected religious leaders and other well meaning Kano people, he canceled Hawan Sallah. He didn’t want to see a drop of blood being wasted.”

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With these and similar notes, Baba Ganduje, not only encouraging the Emir, to remain steadfast in promoting peaceful coexistence in Kano, but at the same time, he helped the Emir to further recollect the role of traditional institutions in promoting peace and tranquility.

When he was governor, he included, very deeply, with brain exercises and committed commitment, traditional rulers, in what turned out to be dedicated community policing via Peace Summits across the five Emirates in the state and whisking away rivalry between security agencies. Where all the security agencies saw themselves as partners not rivals.

Good and effective security system was one of the ultimate feats achieved during his administration. I urge my readers to make an enquiry about this from all the security agencies in the state.

He requested the then administration of Muhammadu Buhari to turn the popular hide – out of organized crimes like cattle rustling, banditry, armed robbery, among others, Falgore forest, into military training ground. Before he left office, thousands and thousands of military were trained there. The forest was no longer a safe heaven for criminals. I don’t know of now.

It was at that material point in time, cattle rustling became a thing of the past in Kano. Clashes between communities especially within the metropolis, popularly known as Fadan Daba, subsided greatly. With little or no leftover in many areas. What is obtainable now is left for my readers to beam their searchlight.

We were all living witnesses that, Ganduje labored hard to maintain peace and security in Kano during his tenure. It could be a deliberate misunderstanding or mere personal hatred for any one to think that he (Ganduje) would now deconstruct or assist in the deconstruction of the security system he conceived, labored and gave birth to.

My boss carries along with him peace, peace and peace anywhere he goes. When he was Deputy Governor to Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso for eight years, no trace of open quarrel or clash between him and Kwankwaso throughout Kwankwaso’s two terms in office. Attitudes hardly spotted in Deputies. Damo Sarkin Hakuri with all political calculus coming to our mind.

When he was governor, Kano experienced the sweetness of peace and security all along. Just like no other. He was acknowledged both and outside the country. Community policing reached nadir position. He was an icon and full-fledged Ambassador of Peace and Tranquility. A detribalised political leader.

As a flagship of peace and modern security, at the comfort of his office as a governor, he could see what was happening in Falgore forest on television screen. That technology was linked to offices of some security agencies. He built technology hub/sophisticated control room, for crime detection, at Police headquarters, Bompai. As he equipped and commissioned modern security Centre at Rijiyar Zaki for effective policing purposes.

To protect Kano from outside infiltration by criminals, Ganduje administration established Security Domitories in all the exits of the state capital. That helped much in detecting movements of the underdogs. Apart from technology monitoring system installed in security head offices in the state. Many abducted people from other states were rescued from their abductors in Kano.

So I wonder, when handful few describe him as crisis loving political leader.

As the National Chairman of the ruling APC he brings peace and understanding within the National Working Committee and all other stages of the party leadership. Down to chapters. What more do we need from this gentleman with gentle soul and gentle approach to issues?

Madallah da Baba Ganduje Dan Kishin Kasa Dan Kishin Kano!!!

Anwar was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
Sunday April 6th, 2025

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Opinion

Arewa, Lamentations ,Economic Woes and 2027 Projections

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By

Kabiru Danladi Lawanti

There is something about us, mutanen Arewa. Whenever power shift south, we start lamentations, accusing the leader, who is from the south, of nepotism or initiating policies that are deliberately aimed at destroying our region.

We bought into this idea, we write them repeatedly. From 1999-2007, from 2010-2015 and now 2023-date. We always write this giving reference to our voting power.

Recently, I read an article like that comparing our voting power and support for Tinubu with other regions of the country. For how long can we continue these lamentations? When are we going to stop the lamentations and start acting?

We need to shift the discourse from an overemphasis on population-driven electoral power to a more strategic focus on economic productivity and revenue generation. The viability and strength of Arewa are not necessarily determined by the sheer size of our population, but by how effectively that population is harnessed for economic growth, innovation, and wealth creation.

Arewa’s fixation on political dominance through demographic advantage has often overshadowed the more critical question that we need to be asking ourselves.

How do we convert our vast human and natural resources into sustainable development outcomes?

While concerns about the inequities of political appointments and perceived nepotism under the current administration of Tinubu are valid, persistent lamentation over political spoils can become counterproductive if not accompanied by proactive strategies for economic transformation.

What happened to Arewa after all these years of political power? Or what becomes of the K states after every election season? What happened to Jigawa or Bauchi? Is it enough to just have a Badaru or Tuggar as compensation for the over 5m we gave the President?

What is required is a change of strategy. A deliberate and coordinated effort to leverage our expansive landmass and youthful population to drive industrialization, technological innovation, and inclusive economic growth. Our Governors need to be wiser. Have you ever checked the sum of the FAAC Allocation coming to our states and local governments? What are we doing with these monies?

In this regard, lessons abound from the developmental trajectories of nations like China and India, both of which have demonstrated how demographic advantage can be transformed into competitive advantage through disciplined policy, strategic investments in education and infrastructure, and a clear vision for economic self-reliance.

The path to power lies not merely in numbers – voting power, but in what those numbers produce after elections.

For me, I have learnt my lessons. What we need is not political power at the centre, but what we do with the power at the centre and what our Governors are doing with the huge resources coming to them from Abuja.

The agitation for removing Tinubu in 2027 can be compared to the agitations of removing the military in 1999 or Jonathan in 2015. They are driven by elite interests, not necessarily for situations we found ourselves in Arewa.

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