By Saminu Umar Ph.D | Senior Lecturer, Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano surijyarzaki@gmail.com

There is a particular loneliness that attaches itself to leaders who choose the harder path. It is not the loneliness of isolation, of having no one around them, because such leaders are almost always surrounded by people, by aides and advisers, by supporters and well-wishers, by the constant human traffic of political life. It is a deeper and more demanding loneliness, the loneliness of the person who must make decisions that others will not fully understand until long after the moment has passed, who must absorb criticism that cuts personally while continuing to serve publicly, and who must find, in the space between the weight of expectation and the limits of human capacity, the daily resolve to keep going. It is the loneliness, in short, of genuine leadership. And it is a loneliness that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State has come to know with an intimacy that his most vocal critics, comfortable in the uncomplicated freedom of opposition, will perhaps never fully appreciate.
To understand the moral courage that underlies the Kano First Initiative, one must first understand the political inheritance that Governor Yusuf carried into office. He did not arrive at Government House, Kano, as a political outsider unburdened by prior obligations and free to govern purely on the basis of his own convictions. He arrived as a product of a political movement, as a leader whose rise had been enabled by a coalition of forces, interests, and personalities whose expectations did not always align with the needs of the twenty-two million citizens whose welfare his oath of office placed in his hands. The tension between those expectations and those needs, between the claims of political loyalty and the demands of public service, is one that every Nigerian governor faces to some degree. What distinguishes Governor Yusuf’s story is not that he faced this tension, but what he chose to do when it became impossible to navigate it without choosing a side.
He chose his people. And that choice, made at considerable personal and political cost, is the foundation on which the entire moral architecture of the Kano First philosophy rests.
The financial scandals that emerged in the early period of his administration, the billion-naira deductions imposed on local governments, the Novamed controversy that drained hundreds of millions from the state’s healthcare resources, were not merely governance crises. They were personal trials of a particularly painful kind. Here was a governor, widely regarded even by his critics as genuinely humble, intellectually serious, and personally committed to the welfare of Kano’s people, discovering that the machinery beneath him had been partially rewired to serve interests other than the ones he had been elected to serve. His public acknowledgement that he had not been fully aware of the transactions in question was seized upon by political opponents as evidence of weakness or incompetence. It was, in fact, something considerably rarer in Nigerian public life: an honest man’s honest admission that he had been deceived by those he trusted.
Consider for a moment what that moment must have felt like. A governor who came to office with genuine idealism, with a sincere desire to honor the trust that millions of Kano citizens placed in him, confronted with the reality that the very people positioned closest to the levers of power were using those levers for purposes that betrayed everything he stood for. The temptation in such a moment, particularly for a leader whose political survival depended on maintaining the unity of a broad and sometimes fractious coalition, would have been to minimize, to manage, to find a quiet accommodation that preserved the alliance without confronting the rot. That is, after all, what Nigerian political culture most frequently rewards. Confrontation is costly. Accommodation is comfortable. And the short-term arithmetic of political survival almost always favors the comfortable choice.
Governor Yusuf did not make the comfortable choice. He made the courageous one. The decision to break decisively from the suffocating grip of godfatherism, to place the interests of Kano above the expectations of political patrons, and to govern on the basis of his own convictions and his own accountability to the people who elected him, was not a carefully calculated political maneuver. It was a moral act, born of the recognition that the alternative was a betrayal too profound to live with. And moral acts of that magnitude always carry a price. The price, in his case, was the loss of alliances, the intensification of opposition, and the kind of sustained political hostility that now defines Kano’s pre-election landscape. He paid that price willingly. The people of Kano should understand what that willingness cost him.
It is within this context of demonstrated moral courage that the Kano First Initiative must be understood, not as a political programme designed by a communications department, but as the governing expression of a personal conviction that has been tested under genuine pressure and has held. When Governor Yusuf says that Kano must come first, that the interests of its citizens must take precedence over every political calculation and every personal consideration, he is not reciting a slogan. He is articulating, in the language of policy, the same principle that guided his most difficult personal decisions. The Kano First philosophy and the Kano First governor are not separate things. They are the same thing, the same commitment, expressed in two different registers, one personal and one institutional.
The Kano First Initiative, developed with remarkable intellectual seriousness under the stewardship of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, gives this personal commitment its institutional architecture. The comprehensive policy framework for social and institutional reorientation that the ministry has produced is not merely a communication strategy or a governance programme in the conventional sense. It is an attempt to translate a governor’s moral convictions into a durable, evidence-based, culturally grounded framework for societal renewal, one that addresses not just the material needs of Kano’s citizens but the deeper normative and behavioral foundations on which sustainable development depends. It is, in the most meaningful sense, a document that reflects the character of the man whose administration produced it.
What strikes the honest observer about Governor Yusuf, and what his critics most consistently fail to account for in their assessments, is the combination of intellectual humility and moral steadfastness that defines his leadership style. He does not govern with the theatrical confidence of the politician who has never doubted himself. He governs with the quieter and more durable resolve of the person who has examined his own convictions carefully, found them worth defending, and committed himself to defending them regardless of the political weather. That quality is not weakness. In the context of Nigerian governance, where the pressures to compromise, to accommodate, and to prioritize political survival above all else are relentless and overwhelming, it is an exceptional strength.
His supporters understand this, and their loyalty is of a kind that is not easily manufactured by political machinery. It is the loyalty of people who have watched a leader face genuine difficulty and choose principle over convenience, who have seen him absorb attacks without losing his dignity or abandoning his purpose, and who believe, on the basis of observable evidence rather than mere political faith, that the man at the head of Kano’s government is genuinely trying to do right by the people he serves. That belief is a political asset of incalculable value, and it is one that no amount of opposition noise or digital hostility can easily erode, because it is rooted not in perception management but in the accumulated testimony of lived experience.
To the people of Kano who are watching the intensifying political contest that the approach of 2027 has already set in motion, this writer offers a simple appeal: look past the noise. Look past the slogans and the counter-slogans, the social media battles and the political calculations, the claims and the counter-claims that will multiply in volume and intensity as the election approaches. Look at the man. Look at the decisions he has made when making the right decision was costly. Look at the initiative his administration has championed, not in its press releases and communication campaigns, but in its intellectual substance and its institutional seriousness. Ask yourself whether Kano has recently had a governor who brought this combination of personal integrity, moral courage, and genuine policy seriousness to the task of governing a state whose people have waited too long for a leader worthy of their loyalty.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is not a perfect man, and he has never claimed to be. He governs in conditions of extraordinary difficulty, navigating resource constraints, political pressures, institutional weaknesses, and social challenges that would test the most experienced and best-resourced administration in the world. He has made mistakes, as every leader does, and he will make more. But what he has also done, and what the Kano First Initiative represents most fundamentally, is to make the choice that defines a leader’s legacy more than any project or programme ever can: the choice, when it truly mattered, to put his people before his politics. Kano has not always been fortunate enough to be able to say that about its governors. At this moment in its history, it can. And that, in the judgment of this writer, is worth far more than the political noise that currently surrounds it.
Saminu Umar Ph.D is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano. surijyarzaki@gmail.com

There are political From Aminu Kano to Kano First: Reviving a Tradition of People-Driven Politics that arrive in their time and there are political ideas that arrive before their time, ideas whose significance is not fully understood until the moment has passed and history, with its characteristic unhurried clarity, has arranged the evidence into a pattern that the present could not see. The philosophy of Malam Aminu Kano was, for much of its duration, one of the latter. In the political environment of mid-twentieth century Northern Nigeria, dominated by the patrician certainties of the NPC and the conservative social order that sustained them, Aminu Kano’s insistence that politics must belong to the talakawa, to the ordinary men and women who had for so long been governed without being consulted, was radical enough to be dismissed, marginalised, and persistently defeated at the ballot box. Yet the idea refused to die. It lodged itself in the political consciousness of Kano’s people with a tenacity that no electoral defeat could dislodge, and it shaped, over the decades that followed, the civic culture of a state that has consistently demanded more of its leaders than most Nigerian states have ever thought to ask.
It is against the backdrop of that long, unfinished democratic inheritance that the Kano First philosophy of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf must be understood and assessed. The connection between Aminu Kano’s people-driven politics and the Kano First Initiative is not merely rhetorical or historical. It is structural. Both rest on the same foundational conviction: that the legitimacy of governance derives not from the power of those who govern but from the quality of service rendered to those who are governed, that politics is not a competition for personal advancement but a vocation of collective service, and that the measure of a leader is not the durability of his hold on power but the tangible improvement he delivers to the lives of the ordinary citizens who trusted him with it. Aminu Kano articulated this conviction in the language of his era. Governor Yusuf is attempting to institutionalize it in the language and the instruments of his.
The historical significance of this attempt should not be underestimated. Kano’s political culture, for all its celebrated civic consciousness, has not been immune to the distortions that have afflicted Nigerian democracy more broadly. The decades that separated Aminu Kano’s era from the present have not been, in the main, decades of deepening democratic practice. They have been decades of military interruptions, institutional decay, the rise of godfatherism as a governing logic, the progressive colonization of public resources by private interests, and the gradual but devastating erosion of the civic values that once made Kano’s political culture a genuine source of national inspiration. The generation of young Kano citizens that Governor Yusuf now governs is a generation that has inherited the memory of Aminu Kano’s idealism without, in most cases, having experienced the kind of governance that idealism was supposed to produce. Their political consciousness is real and it is sharp, but it has been sharpened more by disappointment than by affirmation, more by the evidence of what governance has failed to deliver than by the experience of what it can achieve when it is genuinely committed to the people’s welfare.
The Kano First Initiative is, in its deepest ambition, an attempt to change that experience. Not through grand proclamations or the manufactured optimism of political communication, but through the patient, evidence-based, institutionally serious work of rebuilding the relationship between Kano’s government and Kano’s citizens on foundations of genuine trust, demonstrated accountability, and the visible alignment between what government says and what government does. The comprehensive policy framework produced under the intellectual stewardship of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, the man widely and deservedly known as the Limamin Kano First, is the most concrete expression of this ambition. It draws on Islamic ethical governance, on Kano’s own sociocultural heritage, and on the modern science of behavioral change to construct a framework for societal renewal that is simultaneously rooted in Kano’s deepest traditions and responsive to the challenges of its contemporary reality. Aminu Kano would have recognized its spirit immediately.
The administration’s approach to youth inclusion deserves particular emphasis, because it addresses what is perhaps the most politically consequential dimension of Kano’s current social reality. Kano is an overwhelmingly young society, a society in which the aspirations, energies, and frustrations of a vast and rapidly growing youth population represent both the greatest potential resource and the most serious governance challenge that any administration must navigate. The deliberate opening of leadership opportunities to young professionals, the integration of youth into governance structures rather than merely into election campaigns, and the linking of youth-focused communication with concrete economic empowerment programmes, including skills development, entrepreneurship support, and market-based outreach, all reflect an understanding that political engagement divorced from economic opportunity is ultimately unsustainable. Young people who are given a genuine stake in their society’s progress do not become agents of its destabilization. They become its most committed defenders.
The policy record across education, healthcare, and economic empowerment provides the material evidence on which the Kano First narrative ultimately depends for its credibility. Teacher recruitment, school renovation, the expansion of access to learning resources, the strengthening of free and compulsory education, the upgrading of primary healthcare facilities in rural communities, the introduction of economic empowerment programmes targeting small businesses, farmers, and artisans, these are not merely programmatic achievements to be listed in a governance report. They are, taken together, the concrete expression of a governing philosophy that insists on the connection between political commitment and lived improvement, between the language of people-first governance and the reality of people-felt results. In the tradition of Aminu Kano, who always insisted that politics must be judged by what it delivers to the poorest and most vulnerable members of society, it is precisely this connection that gives the Kano First Initiative its moral weight.
The role of strategic communication in sustaining this connection between policy and public understanding cannot be overstated, and it is here that Comrade Waiya’s contribution to the Kano First project becomes most visibly consequential. In the information environment of contemporary Kano, where social media platforms amplify misinformation with a speed and reach that no previous generation of communicators has had to contend with, the quality of government communication is not merely a matter of public relations. It is a governance necessity. Citizens who do not understand the policies that are being implemented in their name cannot meaningfully participate in the civic life that those policies are designed to strengthen. The ministry’s investment in grassroots communication networks, in the training of information officers across all forty-four local government areas, in partnerships with media organizations and civil society bodies, and in the development of Hausa-language content that reaches the communities that matter most, is the infrastructure of democratic participation, built deliberately and maintained consistently in the service of the people-driven politics that both Aminu Kano and the Kano First Initiative champion.
The broader implications of the Kano First philosophy for Nigeria’s democratic evolution are worth stating explicitly, because they extend well beyond the boundaries of a single state. Nigeria is a country whose democratic experience has been persistently disfigured by the subordination of governance to politics, by the tendency of those who gain power to use it primarily in the service of their own continuation rather than in the service of the citizens who granted it. The Kano experience, if it succeeds in demonstrating that people-centered governance is not merely an aspirational slogan but a practical, institutionally realizable commitment, has the potential to contribute something genuinely valuable to the national conversation about what democratic leadership in Nigeria can and should look like. Kano has done this before. The political education that Aminu Kano provided to an entire generation of Nigerian democrats did not stay within Kano’s boundaries. It traveled, through the networks of civic consciousness that genuine political ideas always generate, into the broader national conversation. The Kano First Initiative has the same potential, if it is sustained with the seriousness and consistency that its intellectual foundations deserve.
Like any political philosophy, the long-term success of Kano First will ultimately be measured not by the quality of its documentation or the sophistication of its communication, but by the depth of its penetration into the daily experience of Kano’s citizens, by whether the young woman in Sabon Gari market feels that her government has genuinely prioritized her welfare, by whether the farmer in Rano Local Government Area has seen tangible improvement in the services available to him, by whether the student in a Kano public school has reason to believe that the system she is part of is genuinely committed to her future. These are demanding tests, and they will not be passed overnight. But they are the right tests, and the fact that the Kano First Initiative has chosen to submit itself to them, rather than retreating to the easier metrics of political performance, is itself a demonstration of the seriousness that the legacy of Aminu Kano demands.
Aminu Kano spent a lifetime insisting that the people of Kano deserved better. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, through the Kano First Initiative and the governing philosophy it represents, is making the same insistence in the language and the instruments of a new era. Whether that insistence is vindicated by history will depend on many things, on the quality of implementation, the resilience of commitment, the engagement of citizens, and the willingness of every institution in Kano’s civic life to claim this agenda as its own. But the insistence itself, grounded in the same democratic conviction that animated one of Nigeria’s greatest political figures, is already something worth honoring. Kano has always known, at its best, what politics is for. The Kano First Initiative is an invitation to remember.

Munir I. Publisher is a political historian and governance analyst based in Kano State.

By Ahmad Muhammad Danyaro

As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections, the information environment is becoming more complex—and more dangerous.

The rise of artificial intelligence, deepfakes, coordinated propaganda networks, and politically motivated disinformation tricks means that falsehood can spread faster than ever before.

The recent workshops, organized by Alkalanci (a reputable Hausa focused fact-checking platform ) in Kano and the Sokoto States, highlights a critical truth: fact-checking and media literacy organizations are no longer optional, they are essential pillars of democratic stability.

Although fact-checking is a relatively new concept, the goals of fact-checking have been evident in earlier journalistic ventures, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, and starting with the creation of FactCheck.org in 2003, the number of fact-checkers around the world has more than tripled, increasing from 44 to 149 since the Duke Reporters’ Lab first began counting these projects in 2014 — a 239 percent increase. And many of those fact-checkers in 53 countries are also showing considerable staying power.

Alkalanci, a Hausa fact-checking platform christened “The Arbiter” focuses primarily on fact-checking claims on health, politics, and many other topics in the Hausa language.The platform was established to be fact-checking pictures and videos to enlighten the Hausa readers in Nigeria, Niger Republic, Cameroon, Ghana, and beyond about misleading claims or false pictures and videos.

The Alkalanci Platform has since its debut in 2024 remained a reputable and first Hausa Fact-checking platform, given the widespread use of photo editing software and Artificial Intelligence (AI) to create deceptive ‘deepfake’ images and videos.

Suffice it to say that ever since the beginning of its works, the platform has corrected misconceptions and/or false claims that otherwise could have cost the populace dearly. Alkalanci’s works do not stop at correcting social media deepfakes and misinformation, it involves pragmatic efforts to address the menace through every stakeholder.

This is evident in the recent workshop organised by Alkalanci, a Hausa-language fact-checking and media literacy organisation, brought together Islamic clerics and imams in Kano and later in Sokoto to address the growing problem of misinformation on social media. During the Kano session, the Chairman of the Kano State Council of Ulama, Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil, declared that creating and spreading fake news is prohibited in Islam.

Alkalanci’s co-founder and Editor, Alhassan Bala, noted that misleading narratives spread rapidly online and can create division and social tension. And because clerics have strong influence over their communities.

Bala encouraged them to ensure that their sermons and messages are factual, beneficial, and based on verified information.

The editor, a thoroughbred expert in the field, with an international experience, also warned that even respected community leaders can unintentionally spread false information, highlighting the need for critical thinking.

Traditional and media leaders also emphasised the dangers of fake news. The Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanusi II, represented at the event, urged clerics to always fact-check information before sharing it with their followers. Similarly, Freedom Radio Group Managing Director, Alhaji Abbas Dalhatu stressed the powerful role of social media in shaping public opinion and warned that misinformation can have serious and dangerous consequences.

The outcome of the training opened up the space even more as the critical role of such education was appreciated beyond Kano.

The workshop’s train later proceeded to Sokoto, where clerics learned about modern digital threats such as artificial intelligence, deepfakes, and manipulated videos or audio.

Government officials and experts described misinformation as a potential security risk capable of provoking fear, hatred, and violence. Participants were introduced to basic fact-checking tools and encouraged to question sources and verify digital content before sharing it.

The broader goal of the programme is to build a network of informed religious leaders who can help stop false information and promote peace and truth within their communities.

In previous Nigerian elections, false reports of violence or fake announcements have triggered panic as well as an unquantifiable rumour spreading.

It is against these backdrops that as Nigeria inches closer to the decisive 2027 general elections, coupled with AI-generated content becoming more sophisticated, the risk is even greater. And more than ever before, the need of an “arbiter” to educate and enlight Nigerians about the tricks and complexities of this phenomenon becomes necessary.

Without credible fact-checkers, lies can shape public opinion before truth has a chance to respond.
Elections thrive on informed choices. When voters act on manipulated videos, fake endorsements, or fabricated violence reports, democracy suffers. Fact-checking platforms like Alkalanci investigate viral political claims, debunk fake results and doctored materials, clarify misleading campaign narratives and counter foreign interference and coordinated influence operations.

Nigeria’s social fabric is deeply influenced by religion and ethnicity. A single false message framed around religious identity can inflame tensions rapidly.

As highlighted by Kano and Sokoto States participants, misinformation is not always accidental—it is often deliberate and strategic.

Alkalanci and Fact-checking agencies must continue to strive to identify divisive narratives early, provide verified counter-information, equip community leaders with tools to question digital content and promote responsible information sharing.

By training clerics and grassroots influencers, organizations like Alkalanci strengthens the “first line of defence” against instability.

Artificial intelligence has changed the misinformation landscape.Today, it is possible to create: fake speeches that sound real, altered videos of political candidates, fabricated images of violence and cloned voices of respected leaders. Even educated audiences struggle to detect these manipulations.

Alkalanci and sister Fact-checking agencies come handy as they use forensic tools to analyze digital content, teach reverse image searches and metadata checks, provide public education on AI risks and publish transparent verification processes.

Another instructive move by Alkalanci was its focus on this vast geographical axis, where Hausa language holds sway.

Much misinformation spreads in Hausa-language via WhatsApp groups and informal networks where English focused fact-checks may not reach. Before its advent, such large size of people were in complete darkness of having a verified platform to guide and educate them about these digital falsehoods.

Alkalanci’s focus on Hausa-language verification fills a critical gap. Media literacy must be localized to be effective.

Nigeria’s elections are among the largest democratic exercises in Africa. The scale alone makes them vulnerable to manipulation. With growing social media penetration, expanding AI capabilities, political competition intensifying and foreign actors increasingly active online, the information battlefield will likely be more aggressive than ever. Fact-checking agencies are not just correcting mistakes.They are defending democracy, peace, and social cohesion.

Ahead of the 2027 elections, their work may determine not just who wins—but whether communities remain peaceful, informed, and united. Hence the need for election stakeholders to continue to bolster and support them as they now become a formidable force to be reckoned with.

Truth, especially in election season, is not automatic. It must be protected by all and sundry.

Danyaro is a Media and Communications Specialist at Brand-Age Media Consult and can be reached via: adanyaro202@gmail.com