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The Vile Face Of Colonialism- A Response To Professor Bruce Grilley’s Article On Colonialism

Published

5 years ago

on

 

By: Abdulhakeem Abdulhakeem,

“It would be an act of the most brazen to weigh the paltry social amenities provided during Colonial epoch against the exploitation, and to arrive at the conclusion that the good outweighed the Bad”
~~~~~
Walter Rodney

On a reading mood Wednesday, at exactly 4pm, I bumped into my Uncle’s Books shelve, who happens to be a graduate of Business Administration from Federal Polytecnic Ede, Osun State and found an article titled “The Case for Colonialism”, written by Professor Bruce Gilley, a teacher of Political Science at the University of Portland, Oregon. Like a chap who fall in love with a beautiful lady at first sight, I fell in love almost immediately with the title of the work, thinking have gotten a resourceful material that would add value to me. But I was shocked reading the arguments raised by a Modern Professor of Political Science on Colonialism in this century. Having been dissatisfied with the various argument raised by Bruce Gilley in the article, I decided to take it upon myself as a student of history living in Africa to respond to the unforgivable blunders committed by him(Bruce Gilley). Though I learnt he has agreed to withdraw the article from the Journal that published it, after the Editor of the Journal receives death threat from various Africans living in Europe and some progressive Whites for defending Colonialism.

Here are the blunders of an argument presented by Bruce Gilley.

First; Bruce Gilley argues that it high time to reevaluate the notion that Colonialism is always and everywhere a bad thing. Because a post colonial era have left the third world Nation’s with greatest human Sufferings.

Secondly; Bruce Gilley argues that for Africa to come out of the present calamities they found themselves, they need, with immediate effect, to unlock the colonial benefits again.

The Neglect Of History In Nigeria And Its Consequences In Nation Building

Thirdly; Bruce Gilley argues that the government of the third world Nation’s especially Africa needs to replicate as far as possible the colonial system of governance of their past- as successful countries like Singapore, Belize and Bostwana did.

Lastly, Bruce Gilley argues that some region in Africa should be allow to be recolonize by European countries if they must advance.

A mere Scan reading of the above argument raised by Bruce Gilley would no doubt make it difficult for you to decipher that he belongs to the unrepentant family of bourgeoisie Scholars who still take pride from defending Colonialism. Beginning with the first argument of reevaluating the notion that Colonialism is always and everywhere a bad thing, simply because a post colonial era have left the third world Nation’s with greatest sufferings. Speaking strictly as an Afrocentric and a growing pro-Marxist student of history, I strongly believed that there is absolutely nothing to reevaluate about such Notion as Colonialism is always and will always remain bad every now and then. As Albert Memmi rightly put it; ‘The most serious blow suffered by the colonised is being removed from history and from the community’. Without any iota of doubts, Africans were robbed of their history and almost totally taken away from their communities even though they still lives in it during the era of Colonialism as a stranger lifestyle was forcefully forced upon them. Therefore, talking about the reevaluation of such Notion is tantamount to being a patient in a Psychiatric hospital who needs the attention of a Psychiatrist. Bruce Gilley failed woefully to also think that such needs reevaluation simply because a post colonial era has left third World Nation’s in greatest human Sufferings. No one needs an Oracle to tell that, the present sufferings we see in third World Nation’s are the by-product of Colonialism and the continuous exploitation of the third World Nation’s by the metropoles through their unpatriotic indigenous agents in the various third World Nation’s. So, it would be of immense benefit to advance intellectualism to throw this argument of Bruce Gilley to the never- retrieve dustbin of history.

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Furthermore, in view of the second argument, that if Africa is to come out of the present calamities they found themselves, they need, with immediate effect, to unlock the colonial benefits again. Laughable as this assertion was, I still found it difficult to believe that a supposed Professor of Political Science could be as myopic as this to see that there is no benefit whatsoever attached to Colonialism, that one can unlock. Africans can’t forget so easily how Colonialism relegated them to slaves in their own land and their Kings to Puppet. We can’t forget so easily how our economic freedom was taking away from us and forced into engaging in economic activities that serves strictly the interest of the metropoles. We can’t forget so easily how ‘Colonialism made Africa Political states lost their power, Independence and meaning, irrespective of whether they are big or small empires’. Is this vile of a benefit Bruce Gilley wants us to unlock?. Let it be known that the rail ways, Roads, hospitals and Schools built by the Colonialist are contradiction in themselves as the bulk of it services was for the sole benefit of the metropoles. Have listened to some of my colleagues in the Physical and Natural Sciences argues that; if not for Coming of the Whites to Africa, Africa would have been so backward. But I often try to convince them that that is not the case, yet they seems to clinched to their beliefs strongly. Though I won’t blame them anyways, because they lived in a World where 2+2 is always 4 irrespective of the time and space. The argument whether there is any benefit to be unlocked from Colonialism needs not to be prolong as it’s obvious that ‘Colonialism had only one hand, and it was a one-armed bandit’.

The argument that government of the third World Nation’s especially Africa needs to replicate the colonial system of governance of their past – as successful Countries like Singapore, Belize and Botswana did is highly bizarre. Though, I am not ripe enough to debunk whether Singapore, Belize and Botswana did replicate the colonial system of governance of the Colonialist before they were able to attain the height they are currently. But I believed I’m equipped enough to condemn such assertion because replicating the such system of governance is equivalent to embarking on a suicide mission. No reasonable government in the third world Nation’s will replicate such system. Although, it makes sense to say that some government in Africa are now utilizing effectively the pattern of colonial political system. I am sure, that a Nigerian born in the late 20th century, now understand how our politicians uses the divide and rule policy effectively just to manipulate, exploit and distract the masses. An attempt to replicate fully the colonial system of governance will spelt doom for any Africa Countries that does that. Instead we should adopt a system which serves the interest of all and sundry, and also change our mindset towards building our Nation’s, if we must attain a greater height.The argument of the unrepentant professor should therefore, be buried deep the ground beyond reach.

The last but the most senseless argument of Bruce Gilley was that some region in Africa should be allow to be recolonize by Advance European Countries if they must advance. This Statement proves beyond reasonable doubts that Bruce Gilley does not worth being in an intellectual environment, talk more of being called a Professor as it is clear that, he has lost the sympathy for humanity. It is highly painful, that a supposed Professor of Political Science sees sense in recolonizing a group of people on the basis of making them advance. One would have thought Bruce Gilley would hide his despicable way of thinking by not reaching this extent of unforgivable blunders. To talk about recolonizing a group of people in this 21st century is to be bizarre, historically ignorant and selfish, callous among all other odd adjectives. The recolonization of any region in Africa would be the disaster of all time, which I hope will never come true.

In conclusion, it is a great responsibility for all Africa student of history that are progressive in thought and believed Colonialism has done no good for Africa to quickly challenge fearlessly this despicable write up by a Supposed Professor of Political Science, Bruce Gilley, titled “The Case For Colonialism”. And spread around the news of the horrors that Colonialism came with hundreds of years ago. So that the growing generation in Africa will have abundant work to read on the vile face of Colonialism and in turn, refused to be brainwashed by the likes of BRUCE GILLEY.

Abdulhakeem Abdulhakeem Wrote from the Department of History ABU Zaria.

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History

Late Prof. Haruna Wakili: A Legacy of Scholarship, Service, and Integrity

Published

6 months ago

on

June 3, 2025

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By Dr. Yau Muhammad

Professor Haruna Wakili (1960–2020) was a distinguished Nigerian academic, historian, and public servant whose contributions to education and governance left an indelible mark on both Bayero University, Kano (BUK), and Jigawa State.

Early Life and Academic Pursuits

Born in June 1960 in Rumfa word, Hadejia, Jigawa State, Prof. Wakili began his educational journey at Government Teachers College, Dutse, obtaining his Grade II Certificate in 1980. He proceeded to Bayero University, Kano, where he earned a B.A. in History in 1985, graduating as the best student in his department and receiving the Prof. M.A. Al-Hajj Memorial Prize and the Prof. Michael Crowder Prize for excellence in modern African history. He further obtained an M.A. in History in 1989 and a Ph.D. in 1998 from the same institution. In 2004, he expanded his academic horizons by earning a certificate in American History from New York University, USA .

Academic and Administrative Roles at Bayero University

Prof. Wakili commenced his academic career at BUK in 1990 as an Assistant Lecturer in the Department of History. Over the years, he rose through the ranks, becoming a Professor and Head of the Department. He was notably the only individual to serve twice as Director of the Aminu Kano Centre for Democratic Research and Training (Mambayya House), where he spearheaded significant research initiatives and promoted democratic studies . In 2018, he was appointed Deputy Vice Chancellor (Administration), a role he held until his passing in 2020 .

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Commissioner for Education in Jigawa State

Between 2010 and 2015, Prof. Wakili served as the Commissioner for Education, Science, and Technology in Jigawa State under Governor Sule Lamido’s administration. During his tenure, he was instrumental in transforming the state’s educational landscape. His notable achievements include the establishment of Sule Lamido University in Kafin-Hausa, aimed at expanding higher education access for the state’s residents . He also oversaw the construction and renovation of schools, enhancement of teacher welfare, and implementation of training programs to improve educational standards .

Scholarly Contributions and Mentorship

An accomplished historian, Prof. Wakili specialized in the study of riots, revolts, conflicts, and peace studies in Nigeria. His doctoral thesis focused on the phenomenon of riots and revolts in Kano. He authored several publications, including “Turawa A Kasar Hadejia: Karon Hadejiyawa da Turawan Mulkin Mallaka” and “Religious Pluralism and Conflict in North Western Nigeria, 1970–2000” . Known for his intellectual rigor and integrity, he emphasized original research and was a staunch advocate against plagiarism. His mentorship inspired many students to pursue academic excellence and critical thinking .

Legacy and Tributes

Prof. Wakili passed away on June 20, 2020, at the National Hospital in Abuja after a prolonged illness. His death was deeply mourned across academic and political communities. BUK’s Vice Chancellor, Prof. Muhammad Yahuza Bello, lauded him as a dedicated scholar and administrator . Former Governor Sule Lamido described him as an epitome of humility and selfless service . The Emir of Hadejia, Alhaji Adamu Abubakar Maje, remembered him as a close confidant and a man devoted to humanity .

Prof. Haruna Wakili’s life was characterized by unwavering commitment to education, scholarly excellence, and public service. His contributions continue to inspire and shape the academic and educational landscapes in Nigeria.
Allah ya jikan Mallam da rahama. Ameen thumma Ameen.
Wassalam

 

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History

History, Identity, and the Unexpected Echoes of Ancestry”-Dokaji

Published

6 months ago

on

June 2, 2025

By

Huzaifa Dokaji

 

 

By Huzaifa Dokaji

About 2 years ago, a good friend of mine who works and lives in the UK engaged me in a conversation about the history of Northern Nigeria. The discussion moved from topic to topic until we ventured to the Sokoto Jihad. After several exchanges, we agreed to create a Clubhouse room to discuss texts written by the Sokoto Jihadists. One of the most fascinating conversations we had focused on the intellectual exchange between Sokoto and Borno, or more precisely, between Sultan Bello and al-Kanemi. Like my friend, I found much of al-Kanemi’s reasoning compelling, except his argument that people should only preach against social and political corruption. To me, that view felt overly idealistic and did not align with the broader Islamic impetus.

My friend grew increasingly critical and more interested in the subject. The engineer in him wanted to understand how, to borrow from Prof. Samaila Suleiman Yandaki, the Sokoto history machine produced and disseminated its narratives of rebellion and legitimacy. We agreed and disagreed, but always in pursuit of the truth, elusive and debatable as it was. That was possible perhaps because neither of us was blinded by ethnic fetishism.

I must add that when all those conversations were going on, my friend felt his connection to that history was merely a result of geography and faith. He often tried to discuss it as a detached observer, carefully framing his questions to me as someone he considered a legacy of the very history we were scrutinizing.

Not long ago, my friend reached out with what was definitely an exciting and shocking news to him. He had taken one of those ancestry DNA tests, and the result showed he was Fulani. Through the company’s database, he identified and reconnected with a relative. Since they were both in the UK, they met and had a fruitful discussion, and to my friend’s astonishment his paternal descent goes back directly to Abdullahi b. Fodio.

This discovery, while exhilarating for him, also unsettled the very framework through which he had previously engaged with history. It blurred the line between the observer and the subject, raising questions about belonging, identity, and the burden of historical legacy. A realization hit him that in this part of the world, ethnicity is never just about bloodlines or surnames; it is a contested space shaped by memory, politics, and perception. My friend’s new discovery did not simply anchor him to a lineage; it dragged him into a narrative that is still very much alive, one that shapes contemporary anxieties, resentments, and aspirations.

His realization took us back into a discussion we had on Club House on the dangers of simplistic historical, or more correctly, political narratives. As we debated at the time, I argued that the past was never the neat category some would have us believe. The story of Ali Aisami makes this clear. Permit me to digress a little.

Ali Aisama was a Kanuri man who was forced to flee his town after it fell to the Jihadists. After his parents died, and he married his surviving sister off to his father’s friend, he sought refuge with another family friend in a Shuwa Arab town. One night, while returning from a nearby town, he was kidnapped by Fulani slavers. The following day, they sold him to Hausa slavers in Ngololo market, about 55 miles from the town of Shagou.

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The Hausa slavers fettered him and marched him for 22 days to Tsangaya, a village southeast of Kano and known at the time for its dates. From there, he was moved to Katsina and later to Yawuri, where he was sold to the Borgawa. His new Borgu master took him home, and put iron fetters on him day and night until he finally sold him to a Katunga (Yoruba) king/prince in old Oyo.

The king/prince mistook Ali Aisami’s tribal marks for royal ones (since they look like Yoruba royal marks), and treated him honorably. However, after the jihad broke out in Ilorin, out of fear that Ali Aisami might join his Muslim brethren, he was taken to Dahomey and sold to European slave dealers. Eventually, he was freed by British anti-slavers and resettled in Sierra Leone, where he converted to Christianity and adopted the name William Harding.

Ali Aisami’s journey across ethnic, political, and religious boundaries show that 19th-century Northern Nigeria was more complicated than comtemporary narratives suggest. His story, like many others, disrupts the simplistic binaries that often dominate discussions of the 19th century—binaries that cast certain groups primarily as victims and others as aggressors or perpetrators. In reality, such roles were fluid, reversible, and deeply embedded in broader social institutions, particularly slavery. Although Ali Aisami was Kanuri, a group that were said to enslave Hausa and other less powerful groups, Aisami himself was enslaved by Fulani captors, sold to Hausa slave traders, and passed through a complex chain of transactions that involved the Borgawa, Yoruba royalty, and eventually European slave dealers.

More surpringsly, the Borgawa and the Hausa (recently framed as “helpless” victims in the midst of Kanuri and especially Fulani imperialists) were at different moments and in different contexts, complicit in the same systems of exploitation. Narratives like Ali Aisami’s compel us to rethink ethnic identity not as a fixed or moral category but as one embedded in larger structures of power, commerce, and survival.

Furthermore, they also reveal how the legacy of the Sokoto Caliphate cannot be read solely through the lens of ideological or religious transformation, but must also be situated within the material realities of slavery, warfare, and shifting political alliances. In this sense, Aisami’s life not only humanizes the abstract forces of the 19th century. It reminds us that historical agency often operated within morally ambiguous frameworks, where perpetrators and victims could inhabit the same position at different moments.

My point here is it is not intellectually helpful to see the jihad starkly as a war between right and wrong (as its protagonists do) nor dryly as the victimization of a certain group (as its antagonists do). Rather, it is more productive to approach 19th-century Northern Nigeria as a site of competing visions, shifting alliances, and intersecting hierarchies, in which individuals and groups navigated complex moral, economic, and spiritual terrains. This requires moving beyond essentialist readings that reduces history into tidy moral tales or ethnic scorecards. It calls for a method attentive to contradiction, nuance, and context. Only such an approach allows us to hold multiple interpretations at once: that perhaps, the jihad did led to religious and intellectual reform, and at the same time brought about new systems of enslavement and exclusion.

It is this methodological caution, grounded in a critical reading of sources and a suspicion of inherited and currently promoted narratives, that enables a fuller, more honest reckoning with the past. Here, the past is treated not as gold or garbage, but as a tangled emblem of value and ruin.

Anyways, the end of the gist is that after a Fulani Professor here in the US told me his ancestry DNA revealed strong Yoruba ties, I decided to send mine in to know where I fit. Who knows what I will turn out to be. I mean, it might not be a coincidence that I was almost born in Lagos and somehow vibe effortlessly with Yoruba people. Maybe it’s in the blood, or maybe, it’s just being Professor Aderinto’s mentee, I developed a soft spot for amala and fuji music. We will know in few months.

 

 

Huzaifa Dokaji wrote from the United States of America

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History

Today in History: Former Senate President Chuba Okadigbo Was Gassed To Death

Published

1 year ago

on

September 23, 2024

By

Late Dr Chuba Okadigbo
Late Dr Chuba Okadigbo

By Abbas Yushau Yusuf

On September 23, 2003, the vice-presidential candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party, Chief William Wilberforce Chuba Okadigbo, was allegedly gassed at Kano Pillars Stadium by security agents during a rally of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), led by the opposition candidate in the 2003 general elections, General Muhammadu Buhari (retired).

The ANPP and its candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, staged the opposition rally at Sani Abacha Stadium as a prelude to their court case at the Presidential Election Tribunal in Abuja, led by Justice Umaru Abdullahi.

The rally, which had thousands of Buhari’s supporters in attendance, was graced by the new Governor of Kano State, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, his late Deputy, Engineer Magaji Abdullahi, Hajiya Najaatu Muhammad, and John Nwodo Junior.

The ANPP National Chairman, Chief Donald Etiebet, also attended the rally. However, apart from Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, the rest of the ANPP Governors were not in attendance, including Ahmad Sani Yerima of Zamfara, Adamu Aliero of Kebbi, the late Bukar Abba Ibrahim of Yobe, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff of Borno, and Attahiru Dalhatu Bafarawa of Sokoto.

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Aware of Dr. Chuba Okadigbo’s health condition, the then Federal Government under Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did not want the rally to proceed. Security personnel mounted the entrance to Kano Pillars Stadium to prevent entry into the field until the Kano Governor, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, ordered the youth to break the gate, allowing the opposition figures to enter.

Upon entering the stadium, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau chastised his predecessor and the then Minister of Defence, Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, for not visiting Kano since handing over power on May 29, 2003. He referred to Kwankwaso as “Ministan tsoro,” meaning “Minister of Fear.”

On returning to Abuja, the late William Wilberforce Chuba Okadigbo died on Friday, September 25, 2003, following the alleged gassing by security agents at Kano Pillars Stadium.

Dr. Chuba Okadigbo was the political adviser to former President Shehu Shagari during the Second Republic. He hailed from Oyi Local Government in Anambra State.

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