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33 observations on the claim made by Ndagi Abdullahi regarding the non-existence of Queen Amina of Zazzau(1533-1610 Ad)

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By Professor    TIJJANI MUHAMMAD NANIYA

 

I am privileged to have read a write-up of one Abdullahi Ndagi on the fallacy of the existence puts Queen Amina of Zazzau. Initially, I was hesitant to take the issue seriously and thorny.

But on second thought, I realize that being a student of history always engulfed in research and documentation, to leave that matter to fizzle out without any response would be an injustice to posterity. More so, it is the responsibility of any teacher to engage in the practice of drawing away from his students and perhaps others from misinformation, disinformation, and conjectures, especially on issues pertaining to historical facts and facts of history. It is on this premise that I want to add my voice and partake in the discussion raised by Ndagi. However, I will limit my participation at the level of making the following observations on the write-up in the first instance:

 

  1. Ndagi’s reference to Amina as Queen of Zaria is very degrading and unacademic. All credible academic sources recognized Amina as Queen of Zazzau, and not Zaria. To reduce her authority to Zaria city is tantamount to debasing her status and military powers she exhibited in extending the territory of Zazzau Kingdom to the borders of Nupe Land.

 

  1. Ndagi claims that “Queen Amina” of Zazzau did not exist on the basis that the earliest “Zaria traditions did not mention it.”. Which are these traditions? Ndagi should have been scrupulous enough to name them. Weighty decisions in historical research must be substantiated with facts and sources. In history, nothing is accepted at its face-value.

 

  1. Ndagi infers that because the sources that attributed Zazzau origin to Queen Amina are not indigenous to Zazzau, they lacked credibility and could therefore be rejected. This is an unscholarly judgment. What of the works of al-Bakri and others that Ndagi is at pain to cite in order to bring home his hypothesis? Are they indigenous to Zazzau and Nupe kingdom?

 

  1. Ndagi should be reminded that the Kano chronicle is the first and oldest indigenous effort to document information about Hausa states and some of their neighbors. We are yet to have any other source to the contrary. If Ndagi is in possession of such works, he should make it available to us, please.

 

  1. Sultan Muhammad Bello’s affirmation of the existence of Queen Amina of Zazzau as mentioned in the Kano chronicle indicated the currency of the story within the scholarly circle in the Sokoto caliphate. The variance in the information on Queen Amina of Zazzau between the Kano chronicle and Infaqul Maysur and which Ndagi would want us to believe as folly is in fact credence to it. For it shows no connivance copious compilation from another source. Thus, Sultan Bello’s source is independent of that of the Kano chronicle.

 

  1. Ndagi should be reminded that both the Kano chronicle and Infaqul Maysur are two primary sources indigenous to the history of central Sudan. Readers would to know want which more authoritative sources Ndagi would refer them to use instead.

 

  1. That the Kano chronicle and Infaqul Maysur are the only sources that mentioned the story of Queen Amina goes to affirm the plausibility of the data. Prominent historians that Ndagi cites to support his case (Smith & Last) have attested to the quality of Infaqul Maysur. On the other hand, there are works that subjected the Kano chronicle to scrutiny which make them accept it as reliable documents. Abdullahi Smith, Murray Last and M.G Smith fall in this category. This made the history circle of many institutions to accept it as a relatively authoritative source of information for pre-colonial Hausaland and Sokoto caliphate.

 

  1. Ndagi claims that the name ‘Amina’ was not in use as a Hausa name in the 16th century. Unfortunately, he does not provide us with his source of information. But we are aware that as far back as the 14th century, that is before the formal acceptance of Islam in Kano by Sarki Yaji (1348-1385), one or two Sarakunan Kano bore Muslim names. Suffice it to add that Muhammad Rumfa’s (1463-1499) Mother was named Fatsimatu.

 

  1. What is more, prominent Historians such as Professors Abdullahi Smith and Murray Last which we realize Ndagi has respect for, have accepted the 16th century to be the golden period of the rise into prominence of Hausaland as a major Muslim region. Perhaps, adopting Muslim names such as ‘Amina’ could not have been uncommon in this period.

 

  1. The claim that no contemporary source, either written or oral ever mentions the story of Queen Amina as alleges by Ndagi, is not sufficient a reason to invalidate the sources that documented the information.

 

  1. Pre-colonial Explorers such as mentioned by Ndagi in his submission were not on a mission to identify and provide details on the origin and accomplishments of central Sudanese states. This was left for the colonial period when many colonial officers and others (H.R. Palmer, Hessler, M. Perham, E.D Morel etc) to do that. The assignments of the explorers in the 19th century were to explore the direction of river Niger, the nature of communities inhabiting the region, their projected population, their military preparedness, the topography of their lands and their agricultural potential. Queen Amina was not in their schedule.

 

  1. Ndagi claims that Queen Amina was “unknown to native griots”. We are yet to know the authority he relies upon in making this wild allegation. Secondly, We could not imagine how a documented story from indigenous sources could escape the memory of griots.

 

  1. With regard to the assertion that it was “European colonial historians that popularised” the story of Queen Amina, Ndagi should full well know that such ‘historians’ were sent with a purpose and a mission by the metropolitan power (Britain). If they popularised the legend of Amina, it was done to achieve a goal in a similar way they did to that of Bayajida, Syfawa, Kisra and Tsoede.

 

  1. The claim by Ndagi that the “Northern Nigerian story of Queen Amina” is a sort of narrating the “Middle Belt story of Kisra”. This is both contra factual and a mix-up. It is contra factual because during the era of Queen Amina there was no Nigeria to talk of its northern part let alone the ‘Middle Belt’.

 

  1. Secondly, even the current not constitutionally recognized categorization of Nigeria into six(6) geo-political zones, there is no such an official name as ‘Middle Belt’.

 

  1. To assume, as Ndagi wants us to believe, that the “original Zaria province or state is the ancient Nupe province of old Gbara…” is to degenerate into a soliloquy. It is a conjecture berry of logic and science, not to talk of death in sources.

 

  1. Secondly, “Zaria province“, connotes the colonial period. We are at odd to comprehend this speculation and mix-up that made Zaria province to be the same as ancient “old Gbara, Gunguma or Kangoma and now known as Wushishi or Dunguru (Zungeru).”

 

  1. Thirdly, if Ndagi were trying to create Nupe hegemony from the blues, let him first preoccupy himself with tackling the issue of the Igala factor in the origin of Nupe as a people and in bringing them into the limelight of history.

 

  1. Ndagi should be reminded that authors of Tarikh-a-Sudan and Tarikh-al-Fattash are not al-Sadi and al-Mukhtar as he presented. The actual authors are Ahmad Baba and Mahmud Kati respectively.

 

  1. Secondly, both works, known collectively as Timbuctu chronicles, primarily dwelt on the western Sudanese state of Songhai and its aftermath. They only provided scanty information on states such as Hausa land. We could not understand why their unawareness of the existence of Queen Amina should even come up.

 

  1. The claim by Ndagi that an Arab historian, “El Bakri wrote that today’s Nigerian ‘Middle Belt’ was known as Mina or Al Mina”. First of all, let us explain that Al-Bakri was more of a geographer than a historian.

 

  1. Second, his era was 11th century AD. In fact, he lived between 1040 and 1094 AD, at Cordova in Andalusia (Modern Spain). He did not visit central Sudan. All the information he provided in his work on the region was given to him by long-distance traders who traversed Kanem and Borno, Hausaland, and their neighbors.

 

  1. Third, we would like to be educated whether the Al-Bakri of the 11th century is the same Al- Bakri that stated “today’s Nigerian Middle Belt” as posited by Ndagi.

 

 

  1. Fourth we could not comprehend the reason why Ndagi should choose to accept the information provided by Al-Bakri, a foreigner not physically familiar with Hausaland, as valid and at the same time choose to reject or degrade data from the Kano chronicle and Infaqul Maysur, two sources that should have held more weight for reasons of being indigenous and as such more familiar with the geography, politics, and economy of central Sudan.

 

  1. Ndagi needs to prove a concrete source of his information to support the claim that it was Goddess Al-Mina that was misrepresented and misconstrued for Queen Amina. Sweeping statements such as above have no place in scholarship.

 

  1. It seems Ndagi is in dilemma in assessing the authenticity of European colonial sources on the northern region of Nigeria; when it supports his Nupe overbearing agenda as in the information provided by lady, then it is worthy and okay. But where it goes contrary to such goal, as in the case of S.J Hogben, it becomes unacceptable.

 

  1. More so we would wish Ndagi to enlighten us as to when communities in the ‘Middle Belt’ developed the tradition of adding the prefix, al, to a name, as in Al-Mina.

 

  1. As far as we know, the linguistic classification of Africa has placed central Naija-Benue confluence communities in the category of the Benue Congo family of languages that are more tonal in their speech. On the other hand, afro-Asiatic languages to which Chadic languages belong are mostly not tonal.

 

  1. We are in agreement with Ndagi that Smith and Last questioned the authenticity of Queen Amina’s story. Y.B Usman even called it a myth. But we could not recall any of these scholars ever identifying Queen Amina as the Goddess Al-Mina. Now that Ndagi wants us to believe so, we await proof from him.

 

  1. The claim by Ndagi that it was the “Hausa city chroniclers” who “unprofessionally” transcribed ‘Queen of Al-Mina’ as Queen Amina, suffers from gross inconsistency. Throughout the write-up, he repeats the ‘Goddess Al-Mina’. Suddenly now the Goddess has metamorphosed to Queen Al-Mina because it sources his cause.

 

  1. Secondly, we more clarification from Ndagi as to the identity of these ‘Hausa chroniclers’ and how it came about that they ‘unprofessionally transcribed’ the story on Queen Amina. After all, these chroniclers were officially trained professionals in the art of keeping oral information.

 

  1. There is another place where Ndagi posits that, in fact, the ‘Hausa chroniclers’ hijacked the story of Kisra and rehearsed it as the story of Queen of Amina. Which of the two does he want his audience or readers to believe?

 

  1. On the whole, the write-up by Ndagi seems to have a clear purpose which is to laud to the sky Nupe power and influence. But the supporting evidence that is adduced is either not mustered effectively or they are disjointed, misinterpreted, and sometimes deliberately rejected. In the end, they fail to provide concatenated cogency required to make a hypothesis valid. This does not augur well for scholarship especially in an era of post-truth promoted by the new Information Age where deliberate lies are posted in social media and both the unsuspecting and uncouth followers take them for the truth.

 

History

Today In History: 40 Years After Shagari’s Government Was Overthrown

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Abbas Yushau Yusuf

On the 31st of December 1983, forty years ago today, the military, led by Major General Muhammad Buhari, Nigeria’s former civilian President, overthrew the first presidential system of government.

The Second Republic, led by Late President Shehu Aliyu Usman Shagari, was just three months into its second term.

President Shagari prepared for the day after attending Jumuat prayers at the Obalende Jumuat Mosque, Lagos. He then proceeded to the council chambers of the former State House, Dodan Barracks, to record a New Year’s speech expected to be relayed to Nigerians on January 1, 1984, which was never broadcasted till today.

Former President Shehu Shagari was overthrown while taking a rest at Aguda House, now the official office of the Vice President in Abuja.

The coup recorded only one casualty, Brigadier Ibrahim Bako, who came all the way from Kaduna to arrest former President Shehu Shagari at the State House in Abuja.

As the battle ensued between the coupists and the soldiers still loyal to President Shagari, Brigadier Ibrahim Bako was killed.

During his detention in Lagos, Ex-President only read in the pages of newspapers that he ordered the shooting of Brigadier Bako, which he debunked in his autobiography “Beckoned To Serve.”

The short-lived Second Republic was seen as just a four-year break by the military when they handed over on October 1, 1979.

Despite corruption allegations leveled against Shagari by Buhari’s military administration, Shagari turned out to be one of the few Nigerian leaders who never enriched themselves with public funds.

He and his vice, Late Alex Ekwueme, were cleared by the Justice Uwaifo commission.

Now, it’s forty years since the coup that plunged Nigeria into another fifteen years of military rule.

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Sarkin Kano Alu Babba(1894-1903)

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Aliyu Babba popularly known as Alu was believed to have been born in 1853. He was named after his maternal grandfather Sarkin Musulmi Aliyu Babba. He started his early education under the guidance of his mother Saudatu who taught him the Holy Qur’an. His other teachers were Mallam Babba Na Kofar Kwaru and Malam Mustapha Naibi of Yolawa. He studied fiqh (jurisprudence) and tafsir (commentary of the Holy Qur’an) under the guidance of these scholars. He advanced his studies at Madabo School where he studied Muktasar of Sidi Khalil the most advanced book on jurisprudence. The Madabo School specialized in this subject. He studied nahwu (Arabic grammar) and al-‘Irab (syntax) with Mallam Usman Dan Shamaki.
He was the Waziri and the closest associate of the leader of the Yusufawa, Yusuf Dan Abdullahi. When the later died the Cucanawa skillfully stage-managed the ascension of Aliyu to the leadership of the group. He was the most knowledgeable and charismatic of the surviving sons of Abdullahi Majekarofi. It was also believed that Yusuf recommended him as his successor, because he was a grandson of Sarkin Musulmi Aliyu Babba Dan Muhammad Bello thus making it difficult for Sokoto to attack the Yusufawa. The two contenders to the leadership of the Yusufawa, Sarkin Dawakin Tsakar Gida Abbas and Dan Makwayo Shehu had no option other than to pledge allegience to their younger brother.
Alu triumphantly entered Kano on Wednesday 16th Safar 1312 AH (19th August 1894) after the defeat of Sarkin Kano Tukur, who was forced into exile. Sarkin Musulmi Abdulrahman’s effort to reinstate Tukur failed while Alu consolidated his position as the new Sarkin Kano. There were reprisals and violent suppression of dissidents and criminals as a result of the militarization of the society by the civil war. This necessitated new appointments. The most prominent was Ahmadu, the elder brother of Alu who was appointed Waziri, which was the highest title. He also appointed Mahmud, Kwairanga, Sulaiman, Hamza, Abdussalam as Galadima, Madaki, Alkali, Makama and Sarkin Bai respectively. Ismaila al-Khatib the father of Walin Kano Sulaiman was appointed the Imam. He made innovations in the sarauta by instituting new slave titles the most prominent of which was that of the shatima Shekarau who was placed in charge of the famous weapon known as sango.
Alu was a brave and industrious warrior he invented the sango (explosive), which he used in his military engagements, he was nicknamed maisango. But other historians have suggested that he got this sango from Yoruba areas derived from the Yoruba god of thunder (sango) and that it was imported through Bida therefore it was not Alu’s invention. Nevertheless he used it on his assault against the Tukurawa forces in Kano and on his subsequent enemies whom he fought as the Emir of Kano. Sango terrified horses and horsemen because it was new weapon with explosive sound.
The Damagarawa seriously threatened his authority. They invaded Kano twice in the first instance in 1313 AH (1896) they were heavily defeated but later in 1313 AH (1898) they retaliated and inflicted heavy casualty and defeat on Kano. Eventually Kano was relieved of their nuisance in 1316 (1899) when the French imperialist subjugated them. Alu was also able to withstand Ningi’s aggressiveness, the Ningawa were defeated several times during his reign. The other external threats to his reign were Maradi and Hadejia when they took the advantage of the uneasiness caused by the Kano civil war. While Alu was consolidating his rule, the British were gradually conquering the Emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate. The first Emirates to be conquered were Ilorin and Bida in 1897. He was aware of these developments and British intentions and activities in various parts that later became Northern Nigeria. He wrote a series of letters to the Sarkin Musulmi and the Waziri on the activities of the Nasara (Christians) as the British were known to Muslims. He canvassed for hijra (emigration) that they should leave the country all of them.
In 1312 AH (29th January 1903), the British imperial expeditionary force left Zaria for Kano. They crushed the brave oppositions mounted by various towns and villages along their way to Kano with all brutality and barbarism. For example, they burnt the bodies of Sarkin Bebeji Jibril and seven others after murdering them to show example to the resistant ‘natives’. When they reached Kano on 3rd February 1903, an unorganized but courageous resistance confronted them. Alu had gone to Sokoto but he was aware of the impending British imperialist invasion. The news of the conquest of Kano was brought to him by one Inuwa son of Ma’aji Yahaya and brother of Rahmatu who attempted to resist the invasion by setting the armory on fire. He was angry with the messenger and he ordered him to be imprisoned but was persuaded by the Waziri to release him. The sallama arrived later the next day.
It has been suggested that Alu opted for Hijra (emigration) to avoid bloodshed. His exodus was to east where he intended to perform the Hajj (Holy pilgrimage to Makkah). Sallama Jatau who was one of the leaders of the Kano forces that fought against the British invaders met him at Birnin Goga and informed him of the conquest of Kano. He also brought Kubura Alu’s senior wife, the sallama later alleged that it was Kubura who made Alu to flee and he regretted that he had he known he would have killed her. Alu ordered his younger brother Galadima Mahmud to return his younger wife the daughter of the Sarkin Musulmi to her father. The Galadima was accompanied by Alkalin Kano Sulaiman and the Magaji Gari Keffi. In another version, it was reported that shamaki Harisu led the contingent to Sokoto. Probably Harisu knew the route better than the Sarki’s brother. They were perhaps the only people who knew that the Sarki was going to emigrate. It has also been reported that the Sarki consulted two other individuals Maikano Buzu and Alhaji Baba who according to the story “offered to guide the Emir to Istanbul [Turkey]”.
Alu left his forces at night. According to one of his slaves, Shehu Dan Jakadan Durmin Shura, three of them informed the sallama that the Sarki had fled. The sallama directed his horse holder to:
Go now and seek Dan Rimi, and at dawn tomorrow, just after first light, bid him to cause the gong to be sounded as if the Emir were still with us, and you, Usman Mabude [the man in charge of the supplies of gunpowder], see to it that the signal gun for saddling-up is fired off also’. Then Salama went off to the Emir’s lodgings and called upon the Majidadi to say where the Emir was. He said the Emir had fled in the night.
In the morning the sallama addressed the warriors at Birnin Goga and informed them that the Emir had fled and that whoever wanted to rejoin his family in Kano should follow him and he told the Waziri, who was the next in hierarchy of the sarauta system after the Sarki, to take command but the later and insisted that the sallama should lead and that he would follow with the other Hakimai. The Sallama and the Dan Rimi were the greatest of the Sarki’s slaves, according to Maitama Dan Makaman Dan Rimi who was an eyewitness “whenever the Emir rode with his army he was in front and then Dan Rimi and Sallama came behind. After them came the District Chiefs”. The army moved and the Sallama “ordered the drums to beat with the Emir’s drum roll so that it seemed still as if the Emir was there”. When the people came forth thinking that the Sarki was present, the Sallama informed them again that: “The Emir has fled. What will you do? Whoever wishes to do so can go to Sokoto or anywhere else that he may desire.’ And the people answered and said. ‘We are going to Kano. Wherever you go, we will follow’”.
Waziri Ahmadu and other prominent chiefs were martyred by the British invaders at Kotorkorshi and he became known as Mai Shahada (the Martyr). At that encounter when they met the British invaders Sallama told the Waziri after the first scouts have been killed “what should we do?” The Waziri replied: “What should we do? Why?” He had earlier made a similar observation and the Waziri had replied him: “Haba Salama! There is nothing for us to do but fight them. If we do not win today then we go under. Shall we postpone what we have begun?” And the Dan Rimi also agreed with the Waziri. Shehu Dan Jakadan Durmin Shura reported the encounter in which prominent Kano leaders were martyred:
Thereupon the whole force charged towards the soldiers on other side of the streambed but before we got there the soldiers started shooting, and Allah denied us good fortune. Most of our leaders, amongst them the Waziri, Salama, Mabudi and Yamu, the son of the Waziri all died during this charge.
Alu who was on his way to the East with letters of introduction from the Sokoto authorities addressed to Sarkin Gobir at Tchibiri asking him to grant Alu “safe passage”. Ironically the Sarkin Gobir had never made peace with the Caliphate therefore it was not surprising that he detained Alu and informed the French who notified the British in Sokoto and then handed him over to them “a week after the fall of Sokoto”. Nagwamatse reported Alu’s capture that he saw him “in a small procession in the market through the Kware gate”. According to the story he “was led by a British officer, and in the middle, unbound but riding on a mare with no bridle, and haltered to a trooper’s horse was the Emir Aliyu of Kano”. One of the British officers depicted Sarkin Kano after his capture and when he was paraded in Sokoto as “a silent, dejected tragic figure no doubt wandering what was going to happen next”.
The British invaders decided to banish Alu to a distant location after his capture but it took them a year and two months before they decided to settle him at Yola, Adamawa Emirate and there is no available information on where he was kept for over year but it has been suggested that he “was perhaps kept at some British camps and forts including Wushishi where” Sarkin Zazzau Kwasau was also detained. Both Alu and Kwasau were exiled to Yola, which was under the Emirship of unpopular Bobbo Ahmadu. Sarkin Kano Alu and about 300 of his followers gained the sympathy of the populace who regarded him as hero for resisting the British. He lived like a second Emir. According to one narration when the Mosque was a state of disrepair he spoke to the Emir who was unable to organize volunteers and Alu quickly ordered his followers many of whom were big men and they repaired the Mosque.

The popularity of the exiled Sarkin Kano, his sympathy for those considered dissidents and his call for looking out for the promised Mahdi attracted the attention of the colonial authorities, including the High Commissioner Lugard who considered Alu’s correspondences as intrigues, and even warned that he will exile him to a non-Muslim territory.

Both the Resident and the Emir of Adamawa were not comfortable with his continued presence in Yola and in September 1904 he was moved from Yola to Lokoja on the Niger-Benue confluence. While he was leaving Yola and bidding farewell he was reported to have told Lamido Bobbo Ahmadu “until you come”. Five years later the Lamido was also exiled to Lokoja and then to Zaria and he lived for seven years in exile until his son Lamido Abba pleaded with the British and he was returned to Adamawa where he died in Yola in 1916.

At Lokoja the exiled Sarkin Kano Alu was virtually kept under house arrest and he was denied the freedom to see other exiled Emirs. Even his interaction was restricted for example Said bin Hayat the leader of the Mahdiyya was not allowed to visit him despite the fact that he was allowed to meet other exiled Emirs. Alu was thus considered a threat to the British colonial administration. But they did not prevent Sarkin Tijaniyya from interacting with him perhaps they did not consider the

brotherhood as dangerous to their domination as the Mahdiyya. This was despite the fact that Bashir had fought at Burmi along with Sarkin Musulmi Attahiru. Aminu, the son of Alu, married Zainabu the only daughter of Bashir. Both Alu and Bashir were maternal descendants of Sarkin Musulmi Mohammad Bello. Alu also gave his daughter in marriage to the Maigari of Lokoja (Chief of Lokoja). He died in Lokoja in 1926.

May his soul rest in peace…ameen

 

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Gideon Okar: A Coup That Almost Wiped Out Babangida’s Military Regime

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General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida

 

Abbas Yushau Yusuf

 

On April 22, 1990, a group of military officers attempted to overthrow the five-year regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Major Gideon Gwoza Okar, as he was popularly called, was said to be dissatisfied with his co-conspirators on how General Babangida was running the administration.

One of their main blunders was excising some parts of Nigeria when they made the radio announcement via Radio Nigeria Lagos. NIGERIAN TRACKER gathered that the attempt to overthrow Babangida was not only made by Gideon Gwoza Okar, but few months after his ascension to the seat of power at the then Dodan Barracks, Babangida’s military regime caught his longtime old friend and a member of the association of Nigerian authors, Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa, in an attempted coup. That coup led to Vatsa and his conspirators facing the firing squad, which was approved by the Armed Forces ruling council headed by General Ibrahim Babangida.

But all attempts to overthrow Babangida during his eight-year rule as Nigeria’s President, Gideon Okar’s coup was the bloodiest. Apart from the soldiers that were lost during the bloody mutiny, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida also lost his ADC, Colonel Usman Kakanda Bello. The loss of Usman Kakanda Bello by General Ibrahim Babangida almost signifies that the administration was about to be wiped out by Gideon Okar and his co-coupists.

Major Gideon Okar

Major Gideon Okar

Another serious blunder perpetrated by Gideon Okar and co was citing the appointment of Late Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, the 18th Sultan of Sokoto, as the reason for the coup. The coup also became scary to Babangida and even high-ranking members of the Armed Forces ruling council because, at the time of the sporadic gunshots that greeted Lagos Nigeria’s former seat of power, the attempted coup did not leak, unlike other coups that leaked before they were foiled by troops loyal to the Government unless they were overpowered.

30 years After Gideon Okar Coup: What lessons for Nigeria

One of the reasons why the coup did not succeed was that Nigeria’s former Chief of Army Staff, Late General Sani Abacha, mobilized troops on time and immediately quelled the coup. Strategic military formations across the country also dissociated from the Gideon Okar coup, like the 1st mechanized division in Kaduna and the Second mechanized division in Ibadan.

After the trial of Gideon Okar and his fellow conspirators, 41 of them were executed by firing squad in July 1990.

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