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Journalism, PR, and Cash for Coverage: Matters Arising

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By Dr. Marcel Mbamalu

 

 

SIMPLE CONTEXTUAL DEFINITIONS

 

Who is a Journalist?

For the purpose of this discussion, a journalist can be described as a  person who collects, writes, photographs, processes, edits, or comments on news or other topical information to the public.

 

A Journalist’s work is called journalism (Wikipedia). A journalist must, in line with professional ethics, be accurate and fair. The journalist seeks Truth and reports it. He must be honest and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information…and should take responsibility for the accuracy of his work (SPJ Code of Ethics, revised September 6, 2014)

 

 

Public Relations/ Practitioner

 

The professional maintenance of a favorable public image by a company, organization, or a famous person. The PR profession ensures a company, or organization or famous person maintains good records in the public eye. The PR practitioner helps people, organizations to gain public acceptance by explaining the aims, objectives, and methods of their organization and by building and maintaining a favorable image     (https://gostudy.net/occupation)

 

Cash for Coverage/ Brown Envelope Journalism

 

Cash for coverage or Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) refers to giving monetary inducement to journalists to encourage them to write positive stories, slant, or kill negative ones. Brown envelop as a term was first coined in 1994 after the UK political scandal (cash-for-questions-affair) in which The Guardian alleged that the owner of Harrods department store, Mohammed Al-Fayed, had paid a Member of Parliament in the House of Commons to ask a question using a brown-colored envelope for the transaction.

 

Journalistic parlance Brown Envelope has, over time, been used to describe monetary gifts concealed in brown envelopes and given to journalists during press briefings. In broader terms, Brown Envelope Syndrome (BES) refers to the potentiality of news sources (PR agents and/or their clients) giving, and journalists taking cash at press conferences or in the general course of their duty. It describes the propensity to give and take ‘bribes’ at any point in the value chain of journalistic sourcing and transmission of news content. So, BES as an expression in media practice can conveniently be used interchangeably with Cash for Coverage Syndrome (CFCs).

It’s a “syndrome” in the sense that giving and taking cash in the course of journalistic work manifests symptomatically and can consistently occur in varied but identifiable ways. The brown “envelope” could be in any color shade (white, green, or red), in naked cash or electronic form (bank transfers). Whatever color, form or means, Brown Envelopes, in the words of Dr. C Nwachukwu of the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN), represent any “temptation wrapped in money.”

On the whole, the impact of such ‘temptation’ on content creation, presentation and dissemination are real: The Mass Media audience, the ultimate king, are misled; credibility of news content and platform is compromised setting off the stage for perennial confidence crisis between the media platform and its audience. Loss of audience confidence leads to loss of patronage (business)…and jobs.

Imagine what could happen when an individual, group of individuals, politicians or government buys off an entire edition of a newspaper, a day’s program on Radio/Television or the entire Internet space and decides that no one reads, hears or sees a particular content or that they see it in predetermined modes! Worse still, the individual or group(s) could decide to let their ‘trusting’ readers, viewers and listeners see/hear only what’s convenient and let them wallow in darkness. It’s a matter of life and death for the entire information and communication space.

Yet, the audience knows better, always able to isolate the chaff from the kernel. The reason media businesses rise and fall on content, much more on the credibility of the content. Yes, Content is King! Remember Marshall McLuhan’s postulation: “The Medium is the Message.”

 

 

It’s not just Cash

Brown Envelope or Cash For Coverage syndrome is a cankerworm. It’s much more than giving or taking cash. If brown envelopes are meant to conceal inducements (the reason the envelopes are brown, not white, in the first place), then, other forms of gifts or inducements, not manifest in clear cash benefit but whose intention is to influence story slants or to curry the journalist’s friendship/sympathy when critical information is at stake, should also pass for “Brown Envelopes.”

Consider non-cash gifts like holiday trips abroad, free training for journalists, birthday gifts and cakes, etc. Will these seemingly harmless ‘gifts’ influence the journalist’s coverage and slant of stories, especially when they matter to the audience?

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Important gifts are no longer in brown envelopes; they are now in white ‘vessels’ to accomplish saintly ‘missions.’ If good journalism practice is anchored on Truth, Fairness, and Balance for credible information, education, and entertainment of the audience, any good gesture that seeks to influence good content creation and delivery is a cankerworm.

 

Cash for coverage Vs Journalism/PR Ethics

Journalism and Public Relations are complementary professions that profess truth and abhor distortion of information/communication. Cash for news coverage defies this basic principle. Among professionals, there is a general understanding that BES is very bad for good PR practice, much worse for good Journalism; it’s an unethical practice based on journalism and PR professional ethics. The Society for Professional Journalists (SPJ) has a Code of Ethics for members, the NUJ and Press Council also have a code of ethics, all aligning with good practice bordering on truthful, courageous, fairyland patriotic news reporting devoid of inducement. Yet, does the syndrome fester?

 

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO ASK FOR CASH BEFORE COVERAGE?

 

Asking for gratification can be covert (complaints about distance and cost of transportation etc) or overt (declaring what it would cost to attend a press conference and/or to publish content therefrom). What do we make of previous scandals?

Reasons for BES among journalists and PR practitioners (What they say)

 

 

Issues about African culture of gift-giving

 

 

Nigerians believe in giving and receiving gifts formally and informally. Many say this is one of the major reasons why it’s difficult to tackle this in Nigeria.

 

Issues about PR &Journalism ideology

 

 

Do quacks truly exist in journalism and PR practice? Who truly is a journalist; the one who can write and speak impeccable English or the one who is trained, grounded, and certified on the basics of good journalism? Should Journalism and PR be different from other key professions like Medicine and Law? Can I, as a journalist be hired by a law firm to defend a client in court simply because I could argue very well? Can a good Television analyst perform a surgery on a patient because he does so with words? Not cast in iron, but these and many more are issues that perhaps, could rub off on efforts to find answers to questions under discussion. How many journalists and PR ‘agents’ ended up becoming who they are today because they could not find jobs in their disciplines after graduation?

 

Issues about Training and Retraining:

 

 

Knowledge and competence breed self-confidence and self-respect. Good retraining programs for certified members of a given profession help to engender self-confidence and mutual respect; hence, they will respect the code of ethics and overcome ‘temptations wrapped in money,’ especially in a fragile economy.

 

Issues about preaching professionalism in a fragile economy:

 

Is       Nigeria really among the poorest of the poorest countries? Does it have 20% (10.5 million) of the world’s out-of-school children? How many media organizations in Africa will survive the next 10 years? How many newspapers have an average of 200,000 print-run daily? How many of them have an average of five pages of adverts per day to stay afloat? What is the average take-home pay of Nigerian journalists? How media organizations in Nigeria pay salaries as and when due? Can we work to create saints in hell? How many oases of plenteous integrity can we find in a desert of need?

 

Yet, I see light at the end of the tunnel. There are a few Josephs, a few Daniels, a few Shedrack, Meshack, and Abadenego left!

 

On the PR side, do practitioners face pressure from employers and clients (PR)?

 

 

 

SOLUTIONS

 

Clear identity or ideology for PR and Journalism

 

Improvement in training and retraining, remuneration and reward for excellence

 

The salience of the recent unbundling of Mass Communication courses in universities to the rescue?

 

Possible redefinition of the bounds of gift-giving; must the latitude be expanded to realistically reflect certain nuances? For instance, why do patients pay for hospital cards and for drugs, yet the doctor collects separate consultation fees, nurses ask for money to buy syringes. Hospital bills still come afterward???

 

 

Are journalists tying themselves up at a time market realities are getting grimmer?

 

Public-funded BBC, CNN, and GOOGLE take adverts even from Nigerian firms and they take sides in news coverage using genres that are neither hard news, nor Feature/ opinion, but all combined in non-clear-cut reporting called ADVOCACY NEWS, which is news with explicable bias.

 

Former Minister appointed Adviser center of Journalism 

THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS

 

 

Social Responsibility Theory: This presupposes that the media, in discharging its critical functions, acts in social interest and for the good of the society.  Reporting dispassionately…against business logic and profit motives. In the light of current realities, the big question: Is there a more professional way to commoditize news? There are different, just like there are varied products in other professions like Law and Medicine, etc.

 

 

Media Economics: Media as a going concern and profit-oriented theory in a competitive stressful market, driven more by corporate support than by audience clientele.

 

Four-way PR Model: Sensationalism, Full Information, Symmetry, and Asymmetry. GRUNIG and HUNT 1984)

 

 

 

CONCLUSION: The Big Question

Is cash for coverage a case of professional anomaly that has become a culture, or a case of inevitable industry reality that needs some professional rethinking/adjustment? If technology is, indeed, changing many things, to what extent can it be allowed to change social laws?

Dr Marcel Mbamalu, is the News Editor of The Guardian, presented this at The Jacksonites Biweekly Webinar on August 2, 2020

Opinion

When Power Meets Purpose: Why Abba Kabir Yusuf’s APC Move Is Kano’s Necessary Turn

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By Abdulkadir Ahmed Ibrahim (Kwakwatawa), FNGE.

In politics, moments arise when loyalty to a platform must give way to loyalty to the people. There are seasons when courage is not found in standing still, but in moving forward with clarity of purpose. Kano State stands at such a moment. The planned defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress is not an act of betrayal. It is a call to responsibility, a deliberate choice shaped by necessity, foresight, and the overriding interest of Kano and its people.

Perhaps power, when isolated, grows weak. Governance, when detached from the centre, struggles to deliver. Since the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as governor, Kano has found itself standing alone in the national space. Federal presence is thin, strategic attention limited. The state that once sat confidently at the table of national influence now watches key decisions pass by without its voice fully heard. This isolation is not a reflection of the governor’s intent or capacity; it is the reality of operating outside the ruling structure in a political environment where access often determines outcomes.

It is common knowledge that governors do not govern in a vacuum. Roads, security, education, health, and economic revival depend on cooperation between state and federal authorities. When that bridge is weak, the people bear the cost. Kano today needs bridges, not walls. It needs inclusion, not distance. It needs a seat where decisions are shaped, not a gallery where outcomes are merely observed.

The internal tension surrounding the emirate question has further deepened uncertainty. While history and tradition demand respect, governance demands stability. Prolonged disputes distract leadership, unsettle investors, and weigh heavily on public confidence. At such a time, a governor requires strong institutional backing and political leverage to navigate sensitive reforms with balance and authority. Standing alone makes that task far more difficult than it ought to be.

More troubling is the visible absence of federal projects and partnerships. In a country where development is often driven by political proximity, Kano cannot afford to remain on the margins. A state of its stature, population, and historical relevance deserves more than sympathetic silence. It deserves action, presence, and partnership.

It is within this context that Abba Kabir Yusuf’s movement toward the APC must be understood. Not as personal ambition, but as strategic realism. Not as political convenience, but as a pathway to unlock opportunities long denied by distance from power.

By extension, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso stands at a defining crossroads. History has placed him in a rare position. He is respected across party lines, commands a loyal following, and remains one of the most influential political figures in Northern Nigeria. Above all, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu holds him in high regard. They share a common political generation, having both served as governors in 1999, shaped by the same democratic rebirth and seasoned by time and experience.

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In addition, one can recall that both Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Bola Tinubu were at the National Assembly under the platform of the now defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP, during the short-lived 3rd Republic. The former was the Deputy Speaker at the House of Representatives while the latter was a Senator together with Late Senator Engineer Magaji Abdullahi who was also elected under the same SDP ticket.

Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi a former Deputy Governor of Kano State (2003 to 2007) and also a former Chief Executive of the State owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency, WRECA, in the 1980s was a benefactor of Engineers Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Abba Kabir Yusuf were they first met as members of staff.

The late successful Kano technocrat, accomplished engineer, career civil servant charismatic and vibrant national politician was a close ally and associate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu starting from the SDP days and the duo was some of the foundation members of the APC.

The President’s repeated extension of an olive branch to Kwankwaso is therefore not accidental. These gestures are acknowledgements of value, respect, and shared history. They signal recognition of Kwankwaso’s political weight and his capacity to contribute meaningfully at the national level. When such calls come consistently, wisdom suggests they should not be ignored. Kwankwaso should heed the call by moving along with the political direction of Kano State.

The truth is unavoidable. The political home Kwankwaso once built no longer offers the shelter it promised. The NNPP is enmeshed in internal crises that threaten its very identity. Court cases over party ownership and recognition pose serious risks. With the Independent National Electoral Commission recognising one faction amid raging disputes, the platform has become unstable ground for any serious electoral ambition. Under these circumstances, entering the 2027 race either with Abba Kabir Yusuf seeking re election on the NNPP platform or Kwankwaso pursuing a presidential ambition would amount to gambling against history and reason.

The alternatives are no better. The Peoples Democratic Party is fractured, weakened by internal contradictions and persistent leadership disputes. Its once formidable structure now struggles to inspire confidence. The African Democratic Congress, on the other hand, is ideologically and historically uncomfortable for Kwankwaso. Many of its leading figures were once his fiercest rivals. They resisted him in the PDP and are unlikely to allow him meaningful influence now. Political memory is long, and grudges rarely dissolve.

Beyond current realities lies a deeper lesson from history. Regional parties, no matter how passionate or popular within their strongholds, have rarely succeeded on the national stage. From the First Republic to the Fourth, the pattern remains consistent. Nigeria rewards broad coalitions, not narrow bases. Power flows where diversity converges.

The APC today represents that convergence. It is not perfect, but it is expansive. It is national in outlook, broad in structure, and firmly in control of the federal machinery. For Kano, aligning with the APC is not surrender. It is strategy. It is an investment in relevance, access, and development.

For Abba Kabir Yusuf, the move is about delivering tangible dividends of democracy. For Kwankwaso, it is about securing a future that reflects his stature and experience. Loyalty, in its truest sense, is not blind attachment to a platform. It is fidelity to the welfare of followers, to the aspirations of a people, and to the demands of the moment.

Politics is not static. It is a living conversation between ideals and realities. When realities change, wisdom adapts. Kano’s future demands bold choices, not sentimental delays. The music is louder now. The moment is clearer. The door is open.

History favours those who recognise when to move. For Abba Kabir Yusuf and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the path toward the APC is not a retreat from principle. It is a step toward purpose. They should go back to where they rightly belong. And for Kano, it may well be the bridge back to the centre, where its voice belongs and its destiny can be fully pursued.

Abdulkadir, a Fellow of Nigerian Guild of Editors, former National Vice President of the NUJ, Veteran Journalist, was the Press Secretary of the former Deputy Governor Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi.

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Opinion

Legislative Brilliance : DSP Barau Lights Up Al-Hikmah University

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By Abba Anwar

The management of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara state, shopped for an individual politician, whose intervention cuts across all sections of the country, with vigor, informed scholarship, skilful understanding of democracy and a patriotic contributor for national development. In their search, they stop on the table of the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, as they invited him to deliver the Convocation Lecture during the 15th Convocation Ceremony of the University, Wednesday.

Looking at the title of the lecture, “Managing Executive–Legislature Relations towards Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic,” it is glaring that, only informed political leaders, with the needed exposure, could add value to the discussion. Not vague and fairy tales tellers.

Amidst scholars, democrats and activists, Senator Barau explores legislative expertise and scholarly advancement of discussion about genuine democracy around national development. A position that underscores the imperative of harmonious executive-legislative relations for Nigeria’s democratic consolidation.

While the lecture did not focus “… on the evolving relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999,” only, the lecture positions the DSP as a scholarly voice of governance.

Being a member of the House of Representatives in 1999 and now a Senator, Deputy Senate President, to be precise, and looking beyond his state or any micro political entity, he believes, profoundly that, the executive and the legislature must work together to address the challenges plaguing the nation.

As he delved into figurative identification of the productive and close nexus relationship that exists between the National Assembly and the executive arm under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, he enunciated that, only collaborative effort, amongst the two arms, could save the country. Hence, in his own terms, both executive and legislature are unarguably on the same page, of making Nigeria great again.

Apart from his scholarly discussion on the theme, his interventions in the education sector, back home in Kano and the nation in general, informed all decisions across the academic environment, there, and students’ bodies, to present to him Awards of Excellence. To officially recognize him as an icon for the development of the education sector in the land.

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They all appreciated his contributions to students through scholarships scheme, for studies in different fields of study. Both within and outside the country. As thousands get access to his scheme. He was identified as one of the leading national politicians whose contributions to education are immensely spotted and glaring. Some defined him as a National Messiah for Education.

Many Professors and academics, who attended the lecture, described him as a scholar in his own right. Whose arguments in the paper he presented, showcase how deeply rooted he is in the art of governance, legislation and engaging democratic activism.

The Deputy Senate President believes that, “A consolidated democracy is one in which political actors, institutions, and citizens internalise democratic norms, and where the probability of democratic breakdown becomes remote.”

He got standing ovation when he paraphrased, Diamond’s (1999) argument that, “In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, democratic consolidation extends beyond the regular conduct of elections. It encompasses adherence to constitutionalism, respect for separation of powers, accountability, rule of law, and effective inter-institutional collaboration.

The Executive-Legislature relationship therefore constitutes a critical arena in which democratic values are either strengthened or undermined.”

DSP’s deeper knowledge of national democratic structure and his patriotic engagement for national cohesion and adherence to global experience, came on board when he posits that, “Early years of the Fourth Republic were marked by frequent conflicts over leadership of the National Assembly, budgetary processes, impeachment threats, and oversight functions which constitute impediments towards democratic consolidation after prolonged military rule.”

All the bottlenecks in his classical analysis stem from “Executive dominance inherited from prolonged military rule, weak institutional capacity within the Legislature, partisan competition overriding constitutional responsibility and
personalisation of power rather than institutional governance.”

Distinguished Senator Barau’s Al-Hikmah University’s presentation of Convocation Lecture, pushed many to accept the fact and the obvious that, he is indispensably a rare gem in legislative environment and a political stretcher in the national scheme of things. A national figure with global outreach. A gentleman with informed mind, capable hands and coordinated brain. Whose silence and humility are not defeatist, but calculative strategy.

One of the things that you cannot take away from him is, he is a political figure with thoughtful approach to politics.

In his elderly advice to the graduands he said, “As graduands of Al-Hikma University step into society, I urge you to uphold democratic values, demand accountable governance, and contribute intellectually and ethically to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Democracy is not sustained by institutions alone, but by enlightened citizens and principled leaders.”

The concluding part of his paper, speaks volume about his unwavering belief in democratic process, patriotic leadership style and informed understanding of national politics devoid of ethnic chauvinism. Hear the gentleman, ” Distinguished audience, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has endured longer than any previous democratic experiment in our history.

This endurance, however, must be matched with qualitative democratic deepening. Managing Executive–Legislature relations with wisdom, restraint, and constitutional fidelity is central to this task.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Thursday, 8th January, 2026

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Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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