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Opinion

Gender Disparity In Politics And Governance: Issues And Prospect

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By Olowookere Hamidat

 

Gender is a socially constructed disparity of inequality of status between men and women.  Gender inequality comes in different shades. These include mortality inequality, basic facility inequality, special opportunity inequality, professional inequality, ownership inequality, household inequality, etc.

 

 

Today, the global concern is to advance equal opportunities for both men and women. That is the need for women and men to enjoy the same opportunities, outcomes, rights, and obligations in all spheres of life. This happens when men and women are able to share equally in the distribution of power and influence; have equal opportunities enjoys equal access to education. However, in spite of the National Gender Policy developed towards addressing gender-related issues and concern to the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, and the contributions of women in the election process, it has not yielded substantive results.

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Today women continue to be underrepresented in governments across the nation and face barriers that often make it difficult for them to exercise political power and assume leadership positions in public affairs..

 

Arguments for Women active participation in politics

  1. The first argument for women’s inclusion in building successful democracies is that women do not only constitute the majority in terms of population, In fact, half of the world’s population.

 

  1. Women’s equal participation with men in power and decision-making is part of their fundamental right to participate in political life and inclusive growth and sustainable development.

 

 

iii. The need for peace and sustainability. Without a substantial number of women in representation, there is little chance for women to have any distinct input in the shaping of the common good. As the saying goes, a democracy without women is just but half a democracy.

 

 

  1. Another argument is poverty affects women in often-disproportionate ways and will not be removed without women’s full participation as agents in the process.

 

  1. Furthermore, the welfare of children, for example, will not be improved without targeting women as critical agents of development.

 

  1. Moreover, women have been recognized as having an untapped pool of resources, whose skills should be made better use of.

 

  1. Women’s full and effective political participation is a matter of human rights, inclusive growth, and sustainable development.

 

vi.. The active participation of women, on equal terms with men, at all levels of decision-making and political involvement, is essential to the achievement of equality, sustainable development, peace, and democracy and the inclusion of their perspectives and experiences into the decision-making processes.

Constraints:

 

  1. The marginalization from the political sphere often is a result of persisting gender stereotyping of politics as exclusively as a men’s activity and the perception of politics as ‘dirty business.’ Facing these deeply held stereotypes and beliefs is not easy for most women.

 

  1. The disproportionate effect of poverty on women. Specifically, economic reasons, such as poorly paying jobs and limited access to large funds necessary for running successful campaigns put them in a disadvantaged position.

 

iii. Lack of political from the political parties who only think of how they can expand the power and win elections. Anything that does not give these is seen as impractical. It is within political parties that the marginalization of women’s rights, skills, and experiences has been most visible. This has jarred the confidence of women in their ability to participate in political processes.

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  1. Related to the above is the presence or absence of regulation such as the national quota for women. The presence or absence of gender equality perspective in the internal statutes and the presence or absence supportive framework for promoting women dictates the levels of women’s participation. This is to say that the opinions of the party leadership on gender equality and the style of decision-making processes they apply have a huge impact, especially during the selection process.

 

  1. The few successful female politicians are seen as ‘un-feminine or perceived as ‘honorary men’. Thus women give up a chance of a political career very early on in the selection process, by losing the motivation to become a candidate.

 

  1. The expectations placed on women to maintain all family order, provide care of both children and the household, make political career excruciating. In some cases, a decision to take up the office might end up in a divorce, and only those women who are older and have grown-up children or those few who have supportive partners can afford a smoother political career. The stress and guilt indirectly make it difficult and prevents women from taking up a political career.

 

vii. The media coverage of female versus male political candidates has recently been cited as another barrier in breaking the glass ceiling for women in politics. News coverage of women candidates running for election is often covered in a negative, stereotypical, and often sexist way. For example, Some women are portrayed as sex objects while others are attacked for their lack of femininity in print, television, and social media.

 

Way out

 

To understand the reasons and the existing opportunities for change, we need to consider several issues more thoroughly.

 

  1. First, We need a good understanding of the barriers women face in a political system that prevents them from entering political-decision making in adequate numbers.

 

 

  1. Secondly, there is a need to understand the history of women’s involvement in politics alongside the structural and cultural factors that have led to their marginalization. Understanding these issues will shed some light on the available solutions, help evaluate current proposals for action, and suggest an alternative strategy.

 

Given the above, there is the need for implementation of regulatory policies or concrete legal changes to determining the position of women on the party lists and to affirm the all-inclusive women in government. That is proportional Representative for women’s political participation.

 

The government could reward parties that have a critical mass of women on the lists or at the top of the lists with extra funding, higher thresholds for external funding, or extra campaign time on public television.

 

The incentive would be another way to persuade political parties to change their gendered selection practices.

 

Government national gender offices, Non-Governmental organizations, and women groups can improve the position of women in political parties.

Need for pre-election coalitions of Women groups and elect/vote for women campaigns with the main aim of getting more women elected and  Elect/Vote for women campaigns, which is a significant step.

 

Positive media attention is changing public perception of women in politics for leaders of political parties to promote women among their candidates.

 

More grassroots pressure for women’s groups to be persuaded that they are capable of holding public office and that women have the potential to be successful politicians.

 

Conclusion

The success of gender equality and strategy in politics requires:

 

The need to help more women overcome their personal lack of self-belief, Provide more pressure on the level of political leadership in order to include adequate numbers of women on electoral lists in the places where it counts, and Persuading the voters to further change their perceptions of women politicians so that more women would actually get elected.

 

 

 

 

Olowookere Hamidat is a Mass Communication student of Bayero University Kano, born in Ilorin, Kwara State.

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Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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