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The Story Of The Nigerian Academic And The ASUU

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Abdelgafar Amoka

 

By Abdelgafar Amoka

 

Some colleagues at home and in the diaspora that can’t stand ASUU have decided to pick up a new job to portray ASUU as the bad guy and the major problems of public universities rather than a solution.

 

 

They ascribed the mischievous and unfortunate activities of few academics in the universities to ASUU and claimed that these elements that should ordinarily have no business being in academics are shielded by ASUU.

 

 

 

They are also of the opinion that there are no quality thoughts and research in our universities. Meanwhile, they are divided in the quality of teaching in public universities. While some of them are of the opinion that the quality of undergraduate teaching is still good as our graduates are still able to cope during their postgraduate studies abroad, some insisted that Nigerian lecturers are bad from head to toe.

 

I will always use my nearly 16 years of experience in Academia to tell our story. There are quality thoughts in the form of good proposals on issues affecting our immediate society.

 

 

A researcher is expected to find solutions to problems in his immediate society first. But a good proposal is just a good idea on paper if there is no fund to execute them. As an Academic, I am not expected to use my salary that is barely enough to feed us for research. I am actually supposed to be made very comfortable to get the job done and funds are supposed to be available to assess on a fairground for research purposes, but that is sometimes not the case.

 

The government is supposed to engage their intellectuals and place policy-driven demands on them. But the government only puts money where some individuals have personal interest without any much expectations on output. Can you imagine that there is a budget for research for ministries but not for universities.

 

 

What research are they into at the ministries? I keep mentioning “cause and effect”. We seems to have place much emphasis on “effect” without much reference to the “cause”. Not much of impactful research is going on in our universities as expected because the relevant stakeholder has not created that structure.

 

 

No adequate provision for funds for that purpose. The drivers of our government agenda and policies prefer to buy a solution from abroad no matter the cost instead of engaging their intellectuals. That complex that anything from oyinbo land (abroad) is superior is still very much there.

 

The question is this; are the lecturers responsible to fund structures for research or the owner and the financier of the university? What makes a laboratory is not the space but the facilities in it. No organization will give you money to fill the space you call a lab to do research work for them. It is the facilities that you already have that will convince them that you have the capacity to do their research.

 

While I was in the UK, we use to have industrialists and potential collaborators visit our lab to see what we had to drive collaboration. When I got a scholarship for my PhD and I needed a university in the UK for it, I just googled “High Voltage Laboratories in the UK” and5 universities with that facilities pop up. I took the scholarship money to one of the universities. That is one of the issues ASUU is fighting for. Revitalization of public universities to put in place those facilities that will make it possible to effectively carry out research and teaching. Such facilities will also serve as a source of foreign exchange.

 

I still remember the university congregation that took place in 2008 where a member of the congregation asked of the budget for research. And I think the response then was that no budget for research but that he has set aside 10 million naira for research. I was a PhD student at the university then. The 10m naira if given to only me was not enough to acquire the facilities for my PhD research before luck came my way with the scholarship that took me out. No provision for research in the university budget and the VC possibly set aside that 10 million from the internally generated fund. That is the level the policymakers have placed the universities. Just a teaching institution but they still blame the university for not doing research.

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When I got back from the UK, I prepared a proposal that was sent to the VC. Thinking the university will be able to source for funds to execute the project. The next day, i got a call for an invitation from the VC to make a presentation of the proposal to the university management.

 

 

He was very impressed after the presentation and made motivating comments. At the end of the meeting, he asked me to put in some things and return the proposal to him. The proposal died a natural death after leaving his office. I sent the same proposal to NASENI, a government agency. The email response was that they will see what they can do and nothing till today. After discussion with some friends, contact was made to Sam Amadi, the then Head of NERC. He requested I send the proposal. I emailed it to him and never got a response till today. All these happened in 2013.

 

Then I left for a postdoc in Norway in September 2013. I continued the quest for a grant on my return in September 2015 and that same proposal eventually won the 2019 TETFund NRF research grant and we are working on it presently. Meanwhile, before the grant, I started crowdfunding among family and friends in 2018. I was able to raise about 1.4 million naira to buy a few stuff for my lab. Is that how to create a research environment? How many people are ready to go this extra to raise money from his family and friends for a university lab just to have facilities to work with?

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To the best of my knowledge, the financier is supposed to put up the structure and you use the structure to get grants to sustain the research activities and even make money for the university and foreign exchange from international students. Where is the infrastructure to challenge us? our universities have lecturers trained in the UK, US, Europe, China, Russia, etc. Rather than engaging us, they hire consultants abroad, a case study of the Malaysian economic consultants in 2017, to solve our local problem and pay them in USD.

 

But then, even with the limited funds, the universities are still making frantic efforts to put in place research facilities. ABU for example, has Multiuser science laboratories, NLNG multiuser laboratory in Engineering, the Biotech Centre, the African Centre of Excellence for Neglected Tropical Diseases, the recently established high voltage materials laboratory in the physics department, etc. With all these constraints, we have Professors and middle career academics in ABU with research grants, 20 to over a hundred articles in index journals, and a Scopus h-index from 7 to 20. There are quite a number of them in ABU. Our efforts despite the harsh environment should be commended.

 

You can’t keep telling me the country doesn’t have the money to make provision for research funds for universities in our budget. The international community believes that we have the money. That was the reason why they took Nigeria off the list of “education least developed countries” and researchers in Nigeria are not qualified for the 15,000 USD TWAS research grant for basic sciences. I got the grant in 2013 and while trying to reapply in 2016, I discovered that applicants from Nigeria are no longer qualified.

 

I sent an email in January 2018 to a senior colleague (British) at National Grid UK that I want to establish a high voltage lab in my university in Nigeria. And his response was that; “Abdel, it’s like you like to take on tough challenges. Starting a high voltage lab from nothing is a tough one”. I take on the tough challenge with my colleagues with personal efforts, personal funds, and begging. The photo is one of the facilities in our lab.

 

Of course, not everyone can go that extra mile and you can’t fault them. You are employed and supposed to be given what you need to work. You are not supposed to go that extra and even turn to a beggar just to get what you need to perform some of your responsibilities as an Academic. This is our story!

 

So, who do we blame? The FG (the financier) who is the “cause” and still establishing more universities without a funding plan, or the ASUU’s struggle for the survival of public universities which is the “effect”? What we’ve got is surely not good enough and we need to do more. So, if you can’t come to join us to rebuild the system, don’t condemn us but encourage us and offer the necessary support.

 

Meanwhile, if you know any Lecturer that is into sexual harassment, sex-for-mark, money-for-mark, extortion of students, admission racketeering, etc, in any university, report him to the management of that university and copy ASUU local branch and even the ASUU National president and watch if he is shielded.

 

If you refused to make such reports or take the necessary actions to stop such ills in our universities and decided to go to Facebook to blame ASUU like the “Professor” from Benue State University, Markudi, then you are part of the problem.

 

 

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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