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Kano State Politics Faces Major Shift as Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s Influence Declines

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By Suleiman Abdullahi Gashuwa

Suleimanasuleiman476@gmail.com

As Kano populace describe their politics in Hausa language “Siyasar Kano, Sai Kano” has proven of what we are seeing today in the political landscape of the state is a replica of what might happen in the 2027 come general election.

it’s no more news that Kano State, a key political centre in Nigeria, has been significantly influenced by two to three persons i.e. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, and former governor and now APC national Chairman Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Their longstanding dominance is now facing challenges, suggesting a potential shift in the political landscape by 2027.

Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s adversary as its stands has left Kano states political atmosphere in a tensed and uncertainty of the state future, which many are of the opinion it’s time to either they address their grievances or what is happening in the state will lead to the emergence of fresh Dark Horses to change the narratives.

Kwankwaso and Ganduje’s strained relationship has led to factionalism, and is now weakening their influence and opening doors for new political figures, and led to the agitation for the emergence of new younger and fresher politicians through social media and grassroots efforts, challenging the Kwankwaso, Shekarau and Ganduje’s dominance that lead Kano to the state it founds itself in at present, with fresh ideas.

Economic challenges and corruption have led to voter fatigue, increasing demands for accountability and effective governance.

The recent Dan Bello’s revelations of various degree of corruption involving the former Kano state local government commissioner Murtala Sule Garo and Ganduje’s wife Hafsat Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, and Kwankwaso’s Nephew Garba Kwankwaso has nature and increase the need for change of the narratives in Kano politics.

Thuggery and increase in number youth going into drug abuse, has left many calling for the emergence of fresh and dark horses who will reform Kano, and revive morality and curb the menace thuggery has caused for decades in the state.

As the 2027 elections approach, the political dynamics in Kano are expected to evolve, especially the crisis likely to be faced by the top three political parties in the state.

Despite been the main opposition party in Kano,, the APC has its internal crisis, which will later expose itself, and might consume the party, and make it lose its influence in upcoming elections.

Having strong Figures growing their Ambitions as governors come 2027, the race is expected to be tough, with Ganduje likely to be at the centre wanting to influence the parties flag bearer, which posed a great treat to the party.

Kano North Powerful Horses:

Kano north might likely be the nerve centre of crisis for the APC in Kano state with powerful politicians likely to contest for the 2027 gubernatorial election.

As various powerful figures within the party assert their ambitions, Ganduje’s ability to maintain control may diminish. The conflicts and rivalries can erode his support base, as loyalty might shift towards emerging leaders who promise change or new opportunities.

The internal crisis within the APC could significantly weaken Abdullahi Ganduje’s longstanding influence in Kano politics because of the tactics implored by Barau Jibrin, Murtal Sule Garo, Abdulahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo.

For instance Barau Jibrin (Maliya), who is Nigeria’s Deputy Senate President, has been fostering his political ambitions since 2023. Till then his influence and aspirations may lead to friction within the party, especially if his goals conflict with those of other prominent figures.

The growing power and ambitions of figures like Barau Jibrin may overshadow Ganduje’s influence, leading to a decline in his ability to dictate party dynamics and candidate selection.

Barau Jibrin’s role at the national level provides him with broader political connections and influence, which can be leveraged to gain support within the party, especially with Ganduje out as the APC National Chairman. Though the duos are currently on the same page and interest but only time will tell.

Barau’s potential to appeal to younger and disillusioned voters through fresh perspectives and policies aligns with the current demand for change in Kano. Age has been on his side, and carrying youth along he has a chance of Becoming the dark horse.

But has a great challenge of his long term rival Murtala Sule Garo from the same Kabo Local government, the fight will be very tough for Barau. Because Murtala has been among the three persons funding the APC at state level. He has also empowered many individuals from different category which made him a deciding factor in the coming race.

There are high tendencies that if Barau emerges the gubernatorial candidate for APC, Garo may be forced to leave the APC, because no matter what, with Barau as Governor, no senator will come out from same local government from Kano north, and that leaves him with no various options.

If Murtala Garo’s candidacy, could either split the vote or force strategic alliances, even though speculations has it that he might potentially defecting to the PDP due to his familial ties with Atiku Abubakar, a issues which stirred interest in Kano’s political scene.

If these rumours were to materialize, Garo’s move could have significant implications for both the NNPP and the APC, and more impact to Barau Jibrin.

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For the PDP, Garo’s defection could serve as a much-needed boost, potentially reinvigorating the party’s presence in Kano. His influence and connections could attract disillusioned voters from the APC and even some from the NNPP, enhancing the PDP’s status as a credible opposition.

His relationship with Atiku could also facilitate strategic alliances and resource mobilization, making the PDP and Atiku Abubakar’s presidential ambition bid a more formidable force in the upcoming elections.

Conversely, Garo’s departure from the APC would represent a considerable loss for the party. As a significant player within the APC, his exit could weaken the party’s structure in Kano, especially if he takes loyal supporters with him.

This could create a power vacuum that rivals, particularly the NNPP, would be keen to exploit. The APC would need to reassess its strategies to maintain its influence in the region and prevent further erosion of its base.

Another top possible contender is the state minister for Housing Dr Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo (Ruwa Baba), who Barau floors during the APC primary that returned him back to the assembly in 2015.

T Gwarzo has been a gubernatorial candidate under CAN which was where he gained his close relationship with the then presidential candidate and Nigeria’s current president Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

With him at the centre and the desperation of Barau Jibrin to maintain his control over the votes in Gwarzo local government, and Kano North he still needs to strategize and look at options to work ahead of them.

Apparently, Dr. Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna having contested for the governorship previously, Gawuna is likely to re-contest. His candidacy could clash with a lot of interests from various quarters because of how he enjoins the overwhelming support if Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in the previous election, thought unconfirmed reports says that he might be forced to contest for the Kano senatorial senator, for fears that he might not be accepted by Kano populace, and until now he hasn’t gotten a federal appointment, which many sees it as a means of manoeuvring him out of the race tactically.

Coming in is Hon Baffa Babba DanAgundi who now occupies the position of the director General of the national centre for Productivity and he hails from Kano Central, he is positioning himself as a potential running mate for any gubernatorial candidate.

His strategic positioning could create alliances or rivalries, depending on the dynamics and support he garners. But he might face serious opposition from many party angles because of stepping on many toes that will rather not having him as a deputy

Each option presents both opportunities and challenges for the respective parties, underscoring the fluidity and unpredictability of the region’s political dynamics.

The NNPP , Kwankwaso, Corruption and other rumbles:

Coming in to the internal crisis brewing within the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) which multifaceted and poses significant challenges to its dominance in Kano.

Kwankwaso control factor remains a critical point, his influence shapes party dynamics. His leadership is now under scrutiny due to corruption scandals involving himself at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EFCC, his close relatives and some key officials in Abba Kabir Yusuf’s government, which could undermine public trust and party integrity, from Kano populace.

Furthermore, the NNPP is currently facing a potential defection of prominent figures like Kawu Sumaila and Al-Hassan Rurum because of their different views on the new Kano Emirate law, and accusation of been sidelined on things related to Kano and decisions taking within the party at state levels, which of allowed to leave could weaken the party’s structure and support base.

Their discontent reflects broader dissatisfaction within the party, exacerbated by perceived sidelining of influential members such as Ali Madakin Gini who is the minority leader of the House of Representatives. This marginalization could alienate important factions and erode loyalty among supporters and even him decamping back to the APC especially with his relationship with Barau Jibrin as In-laws.

With only a year remaining to solidify its position and execute various projects to showcase for a re-election by the state governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the NNPP faces an uphill battle. The combination of internal strife, corruption allegations, and key defections could hinder its effectiveness and electoral prospects in Kano. If not addressed, these issues may lead to a significant decline in the party’s influence, complicating efforts to maintain a stronghold in the region as political dynamics evolve.

Equally one thing that has starts to manifest if the possibility of bigger crisis within the NNPP after the local governments elections. There have been speculations that many chairmanship aspirants where not endorsed by Kwankwaso, and that Kwankwaso anointed persons loyal to him which many sees that it might jeopardised the parties future.

The Tootles Bull dog fighting for survival:
The crisis within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has further weakened its influence in Kano politics, allowing other parties like the APC to gain ground. Key figures such as Aminu Wali, Ibrahim Shekarau, Yunusa Dangwani, and Ibrahim Littles are engaged in a power struggle that has fragmented the party and diluted its effectiveness as the primary opposition.

Despite having notable leaders, the PDP’s inability to present a cohesive front has led to a perception of disarray. The ongoing rivalry among these influential figures not only hampers strategic decision-making but also alienates potential supporters. Each leader’s quest for dominance often overshadows collective goals, making it difficult for the PDP to mobilize effectively.

The internal crises faced by the PDP, APC, and NNPP could indeed pave the way for a political revolution in Kano, potentially leading to significant changes in the political landscape. As dissatisfaction grows within these established parties, disillusioned voters may seek alternatives that better address their needs and aspirations.

Despite these analysis only time can tell, what will happen in Kano state politics, with all presidential contenders eyeing to control the state due to the densely concentrated votes there .

As its slogan by its town criers “Kano ta Dabo, Jalla Babbar Hausa, ko da me ka zo am Fika”.

Politics

Kano APC in Discombobulation : As Ploys Against DSP Barau Thickens

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From Abba Anwar

Either for good, in their own definition, or for bad, some elements within the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano, are planning to play their second to the last political card against His Excellency, the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, by planning and organizing press conference and protest at the National Assembly, calling for the removal of the Deputy Senate President. From his position.

To me personally, the open but crude rivalry and unnecessary display of hatred among political juggernauts within the APC, is a pointer to one fact that, the leadership circle of the party in the state, is not only, weak and self-first promoter, it is destabilizing, deconstructing and disengaging.

Leaders and elders of the party have a long way to go to strengthen party structure and redirect respect to honesty, transparency, openness and sincerity of purpose. Without these, all so-called efforts, by whatever name they are called, stakeholders engagement, elders forum, caucuses, former this or former that, could be as insignificant as building castle in the air. In other words? All in vain. Vanity upon vanity.

What fertilizer is to plant, so also orchestrated hatred is to the Distinguished Senator Barau. Continuation of the preventable face – off among leaders of the party in Kano, is as good as signing death warrant of all factions. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s political interest, in his sight, supercedes all other interests.

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A word is enough for a wise!

When DSP Barau’s intervention in sponsoring thousands of students across the sate of Kano and influence in the establishment of Federal University of Science and Technology, Kabo and establishment of North West Development Commission, with headquarters in Kano, among other numerous interventions, is like they are not being appreciated as part of the development process of the state and the region. By those people. where then are the calculation and political arithmetic of plotters against the DSP?

What is more surprising is, when people started concocting all lies against Senator Barau for the travails of some of our politicians in the state, you see Tom, Dick and Harry blindly condemning this gentleman without fact checking the entire process and procedures.

Unknown to them, by blaming all odds times to the Senator, they are at the same time telling us that the Distinguished Senator is such a very powerful leader. Who can do and undo. To whoever he wishes. While his rivals and enemies from the other side of the table are standing helplessly.

His efforts in the security of the state, appear to deliberately, be non-traceable to his opponents. Because their brain is not only retarded, but beclouded with unguided interest and self-first lifestyle. The provision of thousands of operational equipments, ranging from vehicles, motorcycles, office equipments, rehabilitation and construction of offices of security agencies, are numerous to mention.

Let me ask this singular question, how can a call for the removal of the DSP – a plan in the pipeline – be seen and interpreted as love for Kano? Let us see who these noise makers could be. Well, even if some nonentities or faceless individuals are put forth to be floating in the ocean of uncertainty and frustrations, architectures are neither invisible nor unidentifiable.

Anwar writes from Kano
Monday, 15th December, 2025

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A Baseless Outburst: Kwankwaso’s Statement Falls Flat

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The Northern Youths Merger Group APC has distanced itself from the recent statement made by Engineer Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the former Governor of Kano State and leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, criticizing President Ahmad Bola Tinubu’s handling of the security situation in the country.

In a press release signed by the National Coordinator of the group, Hon. Musa Mujahid Zaitawa, the group expressed its disappointment and condemnation of Kwankwaso’s statement, describing it as “baseless” and “shameful”. Zaitawa pointed out that Kwankwaso has a history of opposing the government without justification, citing his previous criticisms of former President Goodluck Jonathan and his current stance against the APC government.

The group questioned Kwankwaso’s credibility, given his roles as a former Minister of Defence, Governor, and Senator, and wondered why he would make such statements at a time when the President is working tirelessly to address the security challenges facing the country. Zaitawa noted that Kwankwaso’s comments were not only unhelpful but also undermined the efforts of the government to ensure peace and stability in the country.

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The statement further highlighted the erosion of support for Kwankwaso among his former associates, including Senator Kawu Sumaila, members of the National Assembly, and other prominent individuals who have abandoned his camp.

The Northern Youths Merger Group APC urged Kwankwaso to desist from making statements that could be perceived as inciting or divisive, and instead, encouraged him to support the government’s efforts to address the country’s challenges. The group emphasized that the Tinubu administration is committed to ensuring security and development in the country and will not be deterred by baseless criticisms.
The Arewa Youths Mager group said they have uncovered a conspiracy by Kwankwaso to use the Kano State Government to politicize the security situation in the state by leveling baseless allegations against former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin that they were involved in it, to show that the government of Asiwaju Ahmad Tinubu failed to address the insecurity problem for people of Kano when it comes to the 2027 campaign to turn their backs on the APC.

NYMG warned Kwankwaso to refrain from making statements that could provoke the youth to do illegal things that could cause discord and instability among the people’s

The group also commended President Tinubu’s efforts to address the security situation in the country, including the appointment of a new Minister of Defence and the allocation of funds to support farmers in the North.

 

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Middle Belt or Bible Belt of Nigeria? By Aminu Ayama

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Let me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures of me begin with full disclosure: I am a Muslim and proudly Hausa-Fulani — a product of both tribes, raised with the blended cultures North-West. If that alone irritates you, simply waka pass, because what follows will be blunt, factual, and completely unapologetic.

First, let us be clear: there is no such thing as a “Middle Belt region” in Nigeria. Not geographically, not politically, not constitutionally. What exists are six geo-political zones, with the North Central being just one of them.

The growing agitation for what I prefer to call the “Bible Belt”—often disguised as “Middle Belt”—is driven largely by neo-Christian maximalists, especially from Plateau State. And Plateau, let us not pretend, has earned an unfortunate reputation as one of the most hostile places for Muslims to live, transit, or thrive. Many documented incidents show entrenched Islamophobic violence, partisan state actions, and security responses that frequently tilt against Muslims whenever there are communal clashes.

But the proponents of this so-called Middle Belt never call it what it truly is: a Christian-only political sanctuary. Even within the North Central, Christians are not the majority. Only Benue and Plateau have overwhelming Christian populations. In Kogi, Niger, Kwara, and Nasarawa, Muslims form the majority—and each of those states is governed by Muslims.

So how does a minority hope to dominate the majority? How can the tail wag the dog?

This agenda is rooted in a deep-seated hostility toward Muslims, weaponised through disinformation, propaganda, and violence. And beyond the politics, the demands are not only unrealistic—they border on the absurd.

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The dream of a cross-regional Christian confederacy stretching across Nigeria would require forcefully merging Christian pockets in the North Central, North East, and North West—communities that share almost no borders—with one another. Over 90% of the Christian minority communities they list are not even geographically contiguous with Plateau or Benue. The only connected Christian-majority areas are Plateau, Benue, and parts of Southern Kaduna.

To create this so-called Bible Belt would require mass displacement of millions of indigenous Muslims living in these territories. It would produce a Bantu-like, Southern Sudan-type enclave in the heart of a predominantly Muslim region.

We know how South Sudan turned out. Years after global Christian activists—and even Hollywood celebrities like George Clooney—pushed the “Christian genocide” narrative to break it away from Sudan, the new country descended almost immediately into ethnic civil war among people who share the same faith. The activists have since moved on. The people remain with the suffering.

This is precisely the kind of tragedy Nigeria risks if it entertains such a divisive fantasy.

Creating a religious enclave in Northern Nigeria is possible only through civil war, mass ethnic cleansing, and forceful land seizure. No legislative process can achieve it; it would require bullets, not ballots.

Even more unrealistic is the attempt to annex Christian-minority areas of Southern Borno, Southern Yobe, Southern Gombe, Southern Adamawa, Southern Bauchi, and parts of Taraba into this imaginary Bible Belt. Except for Taraba, all these states are Muslim-majority and governed by Muslims.

The Bible Belt crusaders have even stretched their ambitions to the far North-West, claiming Christian communities like Zuru in Kebbi and Southern Kaduna, and naming random Christian minority pockets across Katsina, Zamfara, Jigawa, and Kano as part of their utopian region.

Let us be honest: how does this happen without displacing millions of Muslims?
How do you build a Christian-only belt across a region dominated by Muslims without violence?
How do you redraw boundaries across the North without war?

The truth is simple. This agenda mirrors the same formula used in the Middle East—forceful displacement, land acquisition, and demographic engineering. Nothing short of massive foreign-backed militarisation could make it remotely possible.

And even then, like South Sudan, such a creation would become a landlocked, unstable, ethnically fragmented territory—a permanent war zone.

Nigeria must never walk this path.

The so-called Middle Belt agitation is not about geography or justice. It is about identity politics and fear disguised as self-determination. It is a project built on emotion, not logic. On ethnic resentment, not fairness. On religious exceptionalism, not coexistence.

I welcome any factual challenge to the points made here. Let the arguments come—but let them be grounded in truth, not propaganda.

Aminu Ayama
@aaa

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