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Paul Biya:The Idolized Image Of Immorality In Mortality

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By Bala Ibrahim.

For the late part of Monday, 07/10/24 and the early hours of Tuesday, 08/10/24, the rumour mill was busy with stories, to the effect that, the Cameroonian President Paul Biya had died. Although no details were given on the time or place of his alleged death, because he has not been seen in the public since his official visit to see China over a month ago, the alleged death was easily believed by many. The news was moving from mouth to ear with caution, circumspect and complete carefulness. Everyone was being close-mouthed, because, Paul Biya is more or less seen as a symbol of personal durability.

He was born on the 13th February 1933 and has served as the second President of Cameroon since 1982. Previously, he held the position of the fifth Prime Minister of the country from 1975 to 1982. Despite his old age and long years on the throne, Biya is viewed and feared by many, as a mortal with an immortal soul. In Cameroon, the subject of his death is a technical taboo. No one is permitted to talk about the likelihood of Biya dying. To speculate his death, is akin to speculating the demise of the nation. Such is the kind of fear injected in the minds of the people of Cameroon, as far as Paul Biya is concerned.

And, lo and behold, within hours of the circulation of the rumour, the Cameroonian authorities came out with a statement, banning the media from discussing the health status of the President, particularly the rumours of his death. Interior Minister Paul Atanga Nji, told regional governors that the stories of Biya’s death disturb the tranquillity of Cameroonians. “Any debate in the media about the president’s condition is therefore strictly prohibited.” -Atanga. The Minister threatened that offenders will face the rigor of the law. I hope that rigor of the law would not catch up with me in Nigeria. In any case, I am not among the death speculators, I am only analysing the immortality of mortality. Period.

Paul Biya is 91 years old and has been in office for more than four decades. Yet, he is branded a mortal that is destined to be immortal. As Africa’s oldest head of state and the second longest-serving in Cameroon, Biya has been struggling to suppress a jihadist violence around Lake Chad, just as the country is also wrestling with a complex and often violent crisis around its English-speaking regions, including my country, Nigeria. With regards public appearances, Biya is known as a habitual non-attendee at many gatherings of African leaders. He is a leader whose absence at functions is considered normal.

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However, despite the Governments denial of his death, his disappearance from the public eyes is now sparking the demands from some citizens, for proof of his well-being and a confirmation that indeed he is alive, as claimed. Since the country gained independence from France in the early 1960s, the Cocoa and oil-producing Cameroon, has had just two presidents, with Biya as the second and longest serving. The country, which shares borders with Nigeria through Adamawa state in the north-east, Akwa Ibom in the south south and Benue State in the north-central, is also strategically located as the gateway to the landlocked Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR).

The history of Paul Biya touches on how he rose rapidly as a bureaucrat under President Ahmadou Ahidjo in the 1960s, as Secretary-General of the Presidency from 1968 to 1975, and then as prime minister. He succeeded Ahidjo as president upon Ahidjo’s surprise resignation in 1982 and consolidated power between 1983–1984. Paul Biya staged a coup in which he eliminated all of his major rivals. Under Biya, some political reforms were introduced in the context of a one party arrangement in the 1980s, before the country accepted the introduction of the multiparty politics in the early 1990s. Biya won the 1992 Presidential election under serious controversy and was re-elected by large margins in 1997, 2004, 2011 and 2018.

Although Nigeria and Cameroon have enjoyed a long history of mutual respect, there is still the unsettled thorny issue of border claim between them and one that occasionally results in disputes. The Nigerian government claimed the border was that prior to the British–German agreements in 1913, and Cameroon claimed the border laid down by the British–German agreements.

The border dispute worsened in the 1980s and 1990s after some border incidents occurred, which almost caused a war between the two countries. In 1994 Cameroon went to the International Court of Justice, ICJ. After eight years of adjudication, the ICJ ruled in Cameroon’s favour and confirmed the 1913 border made by the British and Germans as the international border between the two countries. Nigeria confirmed it would transfer Bakassi to Cameroon. In June 2006 Nigeria signed the Greentree Agreement, which marked the formal transfer of authority in the region, and the Nigerian Army partly withdrew from Bakassi.

However, there are still some disquiet there, because, although the ICJ ruling instructed Nigeria to relinquish possession of the Bakasi peninsula, it did not require the inhabitants to move or to change their nationality. And amongst those picturing Paul Biya as the idolizing image of immortality in mortality, are the people of the Bakasi Peninsula. Is it for reasons of patriotism, or for the fear of fascism?

Opinion

Evidence First: Why Amnesty International’s Kano Claims Cannot Stand-Mamman Iro

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By Mamman Iro Kano

May 7, 2026

On May 5, 2026, Kano State witnessed a moment of constitutional significance. Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo was formally sworn in as Deputy Governor, completing the executive structure of an administration that has navigated months of political turbulence with a clarity and a purposefulness that its governance record continues to validate. Within hours of that ceremony, Amnesty International released a report alleging that five people had been killed in connection with the event. The Kano State Government, in a formal press statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described the claim as misleading, unfounded, and mischievous, stating that active inquiries conducted with relevant security agencies produced no official report or credible evidence to support it, and that no violent incident occurred at the Kano State Government House or its surroundings during the official function. That irreconcilable gap between what Amnesty International alleged and what verified institutional assessments confirm is where this analysis begins, and where the evidence, examined honestly and without partisan filter, must ultimately speak for itself.

Let us be precise about what Amnesty International has alleged, because precision about the nature of an allegation determines the standard of evidence required to sustain it. This is not a vague claim about generalised insecurity in a northern Nigerian state. It is a specific allegation that five human beings were killed in direct connection with a formal state government ceremony, at or near the seat of the Kano State executive. That is among the most serious categories of claim available in the vocabulary of human rights reporting, and it carries a correspondingly heavy evidentiary burden. It attributes to a sitting administration not merely a failure to prevent violence but a direct and operational causal relationship between its own institutional activities and the deaths of five people. The fundamental question this analysis asks is straightforward: does the available evidence meet that burden? On the basis of the documented record, the answer is no.

The government’s rebuttal, issued through Commissioner Waiya on the same day as the Amnesty International report, establishes several institutionally grounded counter-claims that any responsible assessment must engage with seriously rather than dismiss as reflexive political defensiveness. The government states that it conducted active inquiries with relevant security agencies specifically to investigate the alleged incident and found no official report or credible evidence to support it. It states that no violent incident occurred at Government House or its surroundings during the swearing-in ceremony. It further notes that the Nigerian leadership of Amnesty International has, in its assessment, repeatedly demonstrated bias and unprofessional conduct in reports relating to Kano State while overlooking comparable developments elsewhere in the country, and it has called upon the organisation’s international leadership to monitor its Nigerian chapter’s activities in order to protect the organisation’s global integrity. These are specific, falsifiable, and institutionally grounded positions. They deserve the same investigative engagement that Amnesty International’s original allegations received, and the absence of independent forensic confirmation of the alleged deaths from any local security structure, community stakeholder, or civil society organisation with verifiable on-the-ground presence represents a critical and unresolved gap in the evidentiary foundation upon which the international narrative rests.

The methodological questions raised by this incident go beyond the specific facts of May 5, 2026, and engage with a broader and more consequential concern about how international human rights monitoring is conducted in environments as politically complex as Kano State. In today’s digital information environment, allegations circulate at velocities that far outpace the deliberate, forensically grounded verification processes that responsible documentation requires. Video content spreads without verified timestamps, geographic authentication, or editorial context. Short clips are selectively edited and repurposed, constructing plausible-seeming narratives from fragmentary and decontextualised evidence. Responsible human rights reporting, particularly in a state with Kano’s political and security complexity, must demonstrably rise above these limitations. Any attempt to directly implicate a state government in acts of organised violence must be supported by credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised security structures, a documented understanding of the longstanding criminal rivalries and territorial disputes operating among youth groups in the affected communities, and independent on-the-ground verification involving community leaders, traditional authorities, and civil society organisations before conclusions are publicly disseminated. The Unifier Project’s considered assessment is that the claims advanced against Kano State on May 7, 2026, do not demonstrably meet these standards.

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Beyond the specific facts of May 5, the broader institutional record of the Kano State Government presents a body of documented evidence that fundamentally complicates the narrative of state-sponsored violence. The administration’s Safe Corridor Kano Model, its flagship rehabilitative intervention targeting youth restiveness and street violence, has already profiled over 2,030 repentant youths for enrollment into its structured rehabilitation and reintegration programme. More than six hundred million naira has been approved for the first phase alone, targeting one thousand beneficiaries through vocational training, psychosocial support, and community reintegration pathways. These are not aspirational policy commitments. They are quantified, budgeted, and operationally active institutional investments in dismantling the conditions that produce youth violence. The logical incompatibility between an administration that has committed over N600 million to youth rehabilitation and an administration simultaneously accused of orchestrating the killing of citizens at its own official functions is not a rhetorical flourish. It is a substantive evidentiary consideration that any responsible investigation is obligated to address directly and honestly before reaching the conclusions that Amnesty International has chosen to advance.

The full governance record of this administration further deepens that incompatibility. Kano State is implementing a N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in its history, with 68 percent directed at capital projects. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention designed to reduce violent confrontations at the grassroots level. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results. Its hospitals are being upgraded. Its roads are being rebuilt. Its farmers are receiving fertiliser, its dams are being constructed, and its young people are being empowered with tools, capital, and opportunity. This is the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to the welfare and safety of its citizens must be situated. It is a context that demands engagement rather than dismissal from any monitoring body that claims to be conducting evidence-based human rights assessment.

There is a further dimension to this controversy that must be named clearly and without diplomatic evasion. The perception, held by a growing number of informed observers within Kano’s civic and political communities, that Amnesty International applies differential levels of scrutiny to Kano State relative to comparable or more severe situations elsewhere in Nigeria, is not a fringe complaint or a partisan deflection. It is a concern about the institutional evenhandedness that determines whether human rights advocacy functions as a genuine instrument of accountability or as a mechanism of selective narrative construction. When a state government with a documented N600 million rehabilitation investment, a quantified youth empowerment record, and a formal security agency finding of no evidence for the alleged incident is subjected to internationally amplified allegations of organised violence without the forensic verification that such allegations require, the credibility deficit that results belongs not only to the monitoring organisation but to the broader enterprise of international human rights advocacy whose authority depends on its perceived consistency and impartiality. This is a concern that the international leadership of Amnesty International, if it takes its institutional mission seriously, cannot afford to disregard.

The position advanced in this commentary is neither anti-accountability nor pro-impunity. It is, precisely and unambiguously, pro-evidence. Accountability without evidence is not accountability. It is accusation. And accusation, however institutionally prestigious its source, does not become fact through repetition, amplification, or the authority of the body advancing it. It becomes fact through verification, corroboration, and the honest and transparent application of the evidentiary standards that distinguish responsible human rights documentation from the uncritical transmission of unverified claims. Kano State, its government, its institutions, and its 20 million people deserve to be assessed on the basis of verified evidence rather than viral narratives. The international community deserves human rights reporting that it can trust because it has earned that trust through methodological rigour rather than claimed through institutional reputation. And the communities of Kano State, who live with the real and daily consequences of how their home is characterised to the world, deserve nothing less than the truth, told with the honesty, the precision, and the evidentiary integrity that their situation demands. Evidence must come first. It must always come first. And until it does, claims of the gravity advanced against Kano on May 7, 2026, cannot, in good conscience, be allowed to stand unchallenged.

 

 

 

Mamman Iro Kano wrote in from Gwarzo Road, Kano, Kano State.

May 7, 2026

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Opinion

The Unifier Perspective: Unifier Project Formally Contests the Evidentiary Basis of Amnesty International’s Claims Regarding the May 5 Kano Incident

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Issued by the Unifier Project, Kano State

May 7, 2026

The Unifier Project, a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative with operational structures across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State, has formally and comprehensively contested the evidentiary basis, the methodological framework, and the investigative rigour of the claims recently circulated by Amnesty International regarding the unfortunate events of May 5, 2026. In a statement issued from its State Secretariat in Kano, the organisation expressed serious concern about what it characterises as a pattern of premature conclusion-drawing that privileges the velocity of digital content circulation over the deliberate, community-engaged, and forensically grounded verification processes that responsible human rights documentation demands.

The Unifier Project wishes to state unequivocally that its position in this matter is not one of reflexive institutional defensiveness or partisan political alignment. It is a principled insistence on the application of the same evidentiary standards, the same contextual rigour, and the same methodological discipline that credible human rights advocacy demands of the governments and institutions it monitors. The organisation stands firmly for truth, due process, and the protection of community peace, and it is precisely those values that compel it to challenge characterisations of the May 5 incident that, in its assessment, rely disproportionately on fragmented viral content and speculative interpretive frameworks rather than verified, independently corroborated, and contextually grounded investigative evidence.

The incident of May 5, 2026, as assessed by local security institutions, community stakeholders, and civil society organisations with direct knowledge of the affected communities, involved individuals and groups with longstanding criminal histories, territorial disputes, and inter-factional rivalries whose origins significantly predate the current administration and whose dynamics are embedded in the specific social and geographic conditions of the communities in which they operate. The Unifier Project maintains that any credible and responsible investigation of events in these communities must engage substantively with this documented local context before advancing conclusions about political motivation, institutional complicity, or state-level orchestration. To assign political causation to events whose most proximate and most documented explanation is criminal confrontation, in the absence of forensic evidence establishing direct operational linkages between political decision-making and the conduct alleged, is to substitute analytical convenience for investigative integrity.

The organisation draws particular attention to the documented policy commitments of the Kano State Government as a body of institutional evidence that any serious investigative framework is obligated to engage with rather than treat as irrelevant background. The administration has pursued a structured, programmatically defined, and resource-backed approach to addressing youth restiveness and street violence through the Safe Corridor initiative, a rehabilitative framework explicitly designed to create pathways for the social reintegration, vocational empowerment, and psychosocial recovery of vulnerable young people previously associated with organised criminality and street violence. The internal coherence of any allegation of state-sponsored violence must be evaluated against the totality of a government’s documented institutional behaviour. An administration that has invested public resources, political capital, and programmatic infrastructure in a deescalation framework of this scope cannot credibly be implicated, without compelling forensic evidence, in the simultaneous engineering of the very instability that its own institutional architecture is demonstrably designed to eliminate.

The Unifier Project also draws attention to the broader governance context within which the events of May 5, 2026, must be situated. The Kano State Government is currently implementing its most ambitious development budget in the state’s recorded history, a N1.477 trillion appropriation for 2026 with 68 percent directed at capital expenditure spanning education, infrastructure, healthcare, and social protection. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people across the state, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention explicitly designed to reduce violent confrontations and strengthen civilian-security cooperation at the grassroots level. These are not abstract policy commitments. They are documented, verifiable, and independently assessable institutional actions that constitute the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to violence and instability must be rigorously evaluated.

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With respect to the methodological concerns that this incident raises for the broader practice of international human rights monitoring, the Unifier Project wishes to articulate clearly the evidentiary standards that it considers non-negotiable for any responsible investigative conclusion regarding events of this nature. These include credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional decision-making authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised and accountable security structures with direct knowledge of the affected communities, a demonstrated and documented understanding of the longstanding rivalries, territorial histories, and criminal network dynamics operating among youth groups in the specific localities concerned, and independent on-the-ground verification processes that meaningfully engage traditional authorities, community leaders, civil society organisations, and relevant law enforcement institutions before conclusions are formed and publicly disseminated. Without these foundational standards, investigative outputs risk functioning not as instruments of accountability but as mechanisms of institutional narrative-building that may, whether intentionally or otherwise, distort rather than illuminate the complex realities they purport to document.

The organisation further notes that the long-term credibility and institutional authority of global human rights bodies depend critically on the perceived consistency, proportionality, and methodological evenhandedness of their monitoring activities across different regions, different administrations, and different categories of political actor. Investigative patterns that appear to apply differential evidentiary thresholds or differential levels of scrutiny to different communities generate, among those communities, a perception of selective activism that is difficult to distinguish from politically motivated monitoring, and that ultimately undermines the culture of civic accountability that responsible human rights organisations exist to strengthen rather than selectively deploy. The Unifier Project does not raise this concern to deflect legitimate scrutiny. It raises it because the integrity of international human rights advocacy as a global public good depends on its practitioners holding themselves to the same standards of evidence, consistency, and contextual honesty that they demand of others.

Kano State is a community in active, measurable, and documented transformation. Its urban renewal programmes, governance reforms, public sector modernisation initiatives, and community stabilisation efforts represent a sustained and verifiable commitment to building a safer, more inclusive, and more prosperous society for its more than 20 million residents. The Unifier Project, with its operational presence across all 44 Local Government Areas and its direct engagement with ward-level civic structures throughout the state, is positioned to affirm, from direct community knowledge, that this transformation is real, that it is generating tangible improvements in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, and that it deserves to be assessed on the basis of its documented outcomes rather than characterised through the lens of allegations that remain forensically unsubstantiated and contextually inadequate.

The Unifier Project reaffirms its commitment to civic accountability, community protection, and the defence of due process as foundational values of democratic governance. It respectfully but firmly urges Amnesty International to engage in a more collaborative, locally informed, and forensically rigorous investigative process, one that prioritises direct engagement with community stakeholders, traditional authorities, security institutions, and civil society actors with verifiable local knowledge, before issuing globally amplified conclusions whose reputational, political, and institutional consequences for the communities concerned are significant and lasting. Allegations of the gravity advanced in this instance should carry only one weight, the weight of independently verified, contextually grounded, and forensically corroborated evidence. The Unifier Project will continue to discharge its responsibility to the people of Kano State by ensuring that the state’s story is told with the accuracy, the balance, and the contextual integrity that its communities deserve.

About the Unifier Project: The Unifier Project is a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative committed to community mobilisation, administrative transparency, civic participation, and the strengthening of socio-political unity across Kano State. With operational structures spanning all 44 Local Government Areas and active engagement at ward and polling unit levels throughout the state, the organisation serves as a community-anchored platform for informed civic advocacy, responsible public discourse, and the protection of Kano’s social and institutional integrity.

Signed:

Unifier Project, Kano State

Media and Strategic Communications Unit

May 7, 2026

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Opinion

May Day Without Meaning: The Silence of Empty Pockets

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By Comrade Lamara Garba

Every year, on the first of May, the world pauses to honour labour. It is a day known globally as International Workers’ Day, a symbolic tribute to the dignity of work and the sacrifices of workers across generations. In theory, it is a day of solidarity, a chorus of voices declaring that the worker is not invisible. In practice, however, the Nigerian reality tells a different story, one that is deeply troubling and hard to justify.

In Nigeria, May Day has become less of a celebration and more of a contradiction.

What does it mean to celebrate labour in a country where workers remain unpaid after thirty days of honest commitment? What dignity is being honoured when civil servants who sustain the machinery of governance mark the day with empty wallets and uncertain futures? The drums may beat and the banners may rise, but beneath the surface lies a quiet suffering that refuses to be ignored.

There is something deeply troubling about this situation. The worker who gives time, energy, and often health to the service of the state is reduced to a spectator in his own struggle. The day that should amplify his voice instead buries it under speeches and routine displays of solidarity.

Nigeria formally aligned itself with the global labour movement when it joined the International Labour Organization on May 1, 1981. It was a moment that promised fairness, justice, and improved working conditions. Many years later, it is fair to ask what has truly changed for the Nigerian worker.

The gap between promise and reality has only grown wider.

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Today, a litre of fuel sells at nearly ₦1,400. The cost of living continues to rise beyond the reach of ordinary citizens. In contrast, the minimum wage remains ₦70,000. This amount cannot sustain a family for even a week. It reflects a painful disconnect between policy decisions and the everyday reality of workers.

To put it simply, Nigerian workers are not only underpaid, they are undervalued.

This raises a serious question. What is the value of labour in a society that does not reward it? When effort is not matched with fair compensation, the sense of justice begins to fade. Workers become discouraged, not just with their employers, but with the system as a whole.

Then come the rallies.

Labour leaders step forward to address workers who have not been paid. They speak about unity, resilience, and hope. Yet hope becomes difficult to accept when it is not supported by action. Solidarity loses meaning when it does not lead to real change.

The labour movement is built on a simple idea that an injury to one is an injury to all. It calls for collective concern and shared responsibility. In Nigeria, however, this idea often remains only in words.

How can workers celebrate May Day without receiving their April salaries? How can there be celebration when basic obligations have not been met? This situation is not just an administrative failure. It is a moral failure.

Silence in such moments becomes part of the problem.

The real concern is not only that workers are suffering, but that their suffering is being treated as normal. The celebrations continue as if unpaid salaries are a minor issue instead of a serious violation of workers’ rights. This acceptance weakens the collective conscience and makes change more difficult.

There is also a quiet sadness in this reality. Nigerian workers continue to wake early, face daily challenges, and carry out their duties despite the hardship. Their perseverance is admirable, but it should not be mistaken for acceptance. Endurance does not replace justice.

If May Day is to have meaning, it must return to its true purpose. It should be a day of reflection and truth, not routine celebration. It should be a moment to confront reality rather than ignore it.

Perhaps the most honest way to observe this day in Nigeria is through accountability. Celebration should come only when there is something to celebrate.

At present, many workers have little reason to do so.

The responsibility lies with workers, labour leaders, policymakers, and society as a whole. The meaning of May Day must be reclaimed. It should be a day that challenges injustice and demands change.

Until Nigerian workers are paid fairly, treated with respect, and truly valued, May Day will remain a day of remembrance rather than progress. It will continue to remind us of how much still needs to be done.

Comrade Lamara Garba, a veteran journalist, was a former Chairman of the Correspondents’ Chapel of the Nigeria Union of Journalists in Kano State.

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