A spectrum of marketers across the downstream oil industry, along with industry watchers, analysts and unions have expressed concerns about the incessant price instability and uncertainty in the supply, distribution, and retailing of petroleum products across the country. This worrisome trend is creating panic in the industry.

This situation is evolving as a result of underlying structural factors bedevilling the industry over the last year.

The industry watchers raised alarm over what they described as the looming danger posed by Dangote Refinery’s single-train structure and unstable pricing regime, warning that Nigeria could be plunged into a major economic crisis if urgent corrective measures are not taken.

Speaking exclusively to the press, an array of marketers noted that Dangote Refinery’s current operational model and pricing practices are inconsistent with the amended Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) and risks destabilizing the nation’s petroleum supply chain.

Concerns Over Pricing Fluctuations
On their part Independent marketers highlighted recent confusion in the petroleum industry, noting that the refinery’s ex-depot price jumped from ₦699 to ₦799, while pump prices have epileptically jumped from ₦731 to ₦920. They described this as “epileptic pricing” that creates uncertainty for marketers and consumers alike.

Allegations of Anti-Competitive Practices
ThoseSome analysts and watchers have accused the Dangote Refinery of engaging in restrictive business practices, including monopolistic tendencies that can pose as barriers to entry for other players. They warned that such anti-competitive behaviour discourages investment, creates price wars, and ultimately undermines the sustainability of the petroleum sector.

“Petroleum is a macro product; its behavior affects all other products, including food. If competition laws and PIA provisions are not strictly enforced, businesses will collapse and the economy will suffer,” they cautioned.

They noted that Dangote’s refinery, with its 650,000 barrels per day capacity, operates as a single-train facility, meaning the entire output depends on one processing line. They explained that this design leaves the refinery vulnerable to disruptions, as any technical fault could halt production entirely.

“The catalytic unit is already down. This shows the danger of relying on a single train. Nigeria requires about 70 million litres per day according to updates by NMPDRA, but Dangote is currently supplying less than 35 million litres. This shortfall exposes the country to energy crises,” they said.

The Unions urged the federal government and the National Assembly to enforce strict compliance with PIA laws, stressing that the legislation was designed to ensure a “win-win” situation for all stakeholders in the petroleum industry.

They also noted that unless the refinery adopts a multi-train structure and pricing transparency, Nigeria’s petroleum supply-demand balance could collapse, triggering wider economic instability.

Northern Nigeria’s leadership crisis is not the absence of leaders, but the absence of structured continuity. From independence in 1960, the North understood leadership as stewardship. Under Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), and other Northern leaders such as Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Hassan Usman Katsina, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Joseph Tarka and Aminu Kano, governance was anchored on moral authority, regional cohesion, education, and economic productivity. Institutions like the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation (NNDC), Ahmadu Bello University (1962), and regional marketing boards were deliberate tools for sustainability, not personal gain.

The NNDC, funded largely by proceeds from cotton, groundnuts, hides and skins exports, financed industrial estates, textile mills (Kaduna Textiles, Arewa Textiles), and scholarship schemes. Graduates were absorbed into public service, and employment guarantees, official cars, and housing schemes were not populist gestures but outcomes of a planned regional economy. These systems began to weaken after the 1966 coup, and by the collapse of the First Republic, the North lost its ideological anchor.

Military rule (1966–1979) centralized power, dismantled regional economic autonomy, and replaced mentorship with command loyalty. The abolition of marketing boards in the late 1980s under Structural Adjustment further destroyed Northern productive capacity. What followed was survival politics leaders focused on federal allocations rather than regional development.

The North miscalculated profoundly with Muhammadu Buhari. From 2003 to 2015, Northern elites rallied behind him as a symbol of integrity and discipline. He was projected as the solution, but not as the builder of systems. When he finally won in 2015, no clear succession plan or leadership school emerged. Buhari’s personal moral standing did not translate into institutional reform, mentorship pipelines, or a future-facing Northern agenda. The North lived in the moment, not the future.

Yet, Northern Nigeria still possesses experienced leaders who, if united around vision rather than ambition, could arrest the decline; To mention a few:
1. Atiku Abubakar – unmatched private-sector exposure, national networks, and understanding of fiscal federalism and economic restructuring.
2. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso – proven record in education, human capital investment, and institutional continuity.

3. . Sen. Jonah David Jang (rtd.) – he symbolizes minority participation in both military and democratic leadership, particularly in navigating identity, faith, and regional diversity.
4. Kashim Shettima – crisis governance experience from Borno, exposure to insurgency management and national economic coordination.
5. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd.) – A former Chief of Army Staff and Defence Minister, Danjuma represents moral courage and principled leadership, later channeling his influence into philanthropy, national stability, and institutional support through the TY Danjuma Foundation.
6. Nasir El-Rufai – infrastructure reform, urban governance, and policy articulation.
7. Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara – His leadership symbolized inclusion, constitutionalism, and the political relevance of Northern minorities in national decision-making. As Speaker, he emphasized legislative independence, rule of law, and national unity across faith and ethnic lines.
8. Aminu Tambuwal – legislative depth, constitutional knowledge, and executive experience.
9. Ahmad Lawan – legislative continuity and federal budgeting experience.
10. Bukola Saraki – institutional reform, health sector interventions, and bridge-building across regions.
11. Aliyu Wamakko – grassroots mobilization and state-level governance.
12. Babagana Zulum – security-informed leadership and humanitarian governance.

The tragedy is that these leaders operate in silos, not as a collective Northern brain trust. Most times leadership without ideology, even competence fragments.

Today, Northern Nigeria bears the brunt of capital project neglect, decaying rail and road networks, underfunded schools, overstretched security architecture, and disproportionate poverty indices despite producing the bulk of Nigeria’s political leadership. Federal allocations meant for education, security, and infrastructure have been mismanaged by Northern elites who themselves benefited from free education, scholarships, and social justice structures of the old North.

What went wrong? The destruction of production-based economics. The North abandoned agriculture value chains, textile manufacturing, and vocational education for rent-seeking politics. Mentorship collapsed. Elders stopped acting as moral guardians. Young people were mobilized as political foot soldiers, not future leaders.

More dangerously, the North has failed to interrogate the worst case scenarios. If Nigeria fractures under economic pressure, insecurity, or ethnic fragmentation, what becomes of a region plagued by poverty, porous borders, arms proliferation, and food insecurity? Survival thinking demands preparation for the worst, not blind faith in the status quo.

To rebuild, a credible Northern agenda must incorporate:
• Human capital development (education, skills, research)
• Security sector reform and local intelligence structures
• Regional economic revival (agro-processing, solid minerals)
• Leadership mentorship and succession institutions
• Moral reorientation and civic responsibility
• Intergenerational leadership pipelines

Unity is not optional it is existential. 2027 is not about ambition; it is about survival. For elites, it is the final chance to correct history. For the poor, it is a fight for dignity. For the youth, it is a moment of becoming. Titles must fall. Ego must retreat. The North must sit at the table as equals, not as lords.

History shows what the North built. The present shows what neglect destroyed. The future will judge whether this generation had the courage to rebuild or allowed the house to collapse completely.

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has announced a revised timetable for its internal activities, extending its electronic membership registration and rescheduling upcoming congresses and its national convention.

The decisions were reached during the 183rd meeting of the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) held on Friday, January 30, 2026, at the APC National Secretariat in Abuja. In a statement issued by the National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, the party outlined the key changes.

The electronic membership registration exercise has been extended from January 31 to February 8, 2026. According to the statement, the extension follows requests from party stakeholders and is intended to allow more supporters and members to register or validate their membership.

Furthermore, the schedule for party congresses has been adjusted. Ward congresses are now set to hold on Wednesday, February 18, 2026, while the National Convention has been rescheduled for March 27–28, 2026.

The statement also clarified that some states would be excluded from the forthcoming state congresses. Osun State, Ekiti State, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) are exempted due to upcoming elections, while Rivers State is excluded because of the subsisting tenure of the current party executive committees in the state.

Additionally, the NWC confirmed the constitution of a National Convention Planning Committee. The party noted that further details regarding the adjusted timetable and the composition of the planning committee would be communicated in due course.

These changes mark a significant recalibration of the APC’s internal electoral calendar as it prepares for its national convention and subsequent political engagements.