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Rarara’s Invective Barbs: Innuendoes, Body Shaming, and Kano Politics

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2 years ago

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Dauda Kahutu Rarara

 

For the past 43 years that I have been a researcher, there were two areas I stay clear of: politics and religion. If you see my hand in any of these two, then the entry point is popular or media cultures. For instance, I have recorded a lot of Kano Qadiriyya’s Anfasu zikr, not as a devotee, but as an ethnomusicologist – focusing on the body percussion and movements (after studying the wonderful works of Margaret Kartomi on body percussion while in Morocco). Similarly – and to balance things somewhat – I recorded Tijjaniyya zikr sessions at Chiranci in the city of Kano as part of a larger study on religious performances. All my recordings were uploaded to a dedicated YouTube public channel. I was therefore amused when people try to pigeon-hole me either as Qadri or Tijjani. I am neither.

Politically, I am apolitical, meaning I really don’t care who rules the country. I don’t even vote, having done once long time ago (at the insistence of a dear friend), and promised never to do it again. But performance arts brought my attention to protest songs and the prosecution of singers in Kano. The end product was a paper, “Poetic Barbs: Invective Political Poetry in Kano Popular Culture” which I am sure is floating somewhere in a modified form. And I thought that was it.

In 2014 I came across a song that I found amusing. I was playing it on my laptop when someone exhibited surprise that I was listening to the songs of Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu, with stage name of Rarara. That was the first time I even heard the name. The song was “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano.” It attracted my attention in two ways. First, its lyrical construction as well as delivery was just amazing. Rapid fire. He should have been a rapper, a genre of music I am totally besotted on (old school DMX, 2Pac, Snoop Dogg, Ice Cube, Queen “The Equalizer” Latifah, y’all). It was clear Rarara was singing off cuff, not reading from a setlist or lyrical sheet. Second, it was the most detailed invective song I have heard in Hausa Afropop music genre. I started digging and latched on him and his songs. So, for the last seven years or so, I have been following every song he released using the invective matrix.

So, what is an invective song? Invective is the literary device in which one attacks or insults a person or thing through the use of abusive language and tone. If you like, “zambo/shaguɓe”. Invective is often accompanied by negative emotion. Invective can be divided into two types: high and low invective. High invective requires the use of formal and creative language, while Low invective, on the other hand, makes use of rude and offensive images. From 2010, Rarara became a master of popular Hausa invective oral poetry. He used his skills to abuse, insult and body shame anyone he was paid to insult. Including former masters and associates.

A pattern evolved. His switchbacks. Chronologically, his earliest non-invective song was “Saraki Sai Allah” (in honor of then Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s turbaning as Sardaunan Kano in 2010 by the late Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero). In 2011 – barely a year later – when Shekarau failed to anoint Rarara’s ‘master’, Deputy Governor Abdullahi T. Gwarzo to succeed him, Rarara became ballistically invective – and established a career in body shaming, abuses and innuendoes against various previous masters. Shekarau bore the blunt of colorist abuses – often a case of the kettle calling the pot black. No one was spared his invective barbs. Deeply cut. Insulting. Spread over 39 songs, from 2014’s “Malam Ya Yi Rawa Da Alkyabba”, to 2023’s “Tangal-Tangal.”

I have seen social media calling Rarara out on his not being a Kano indigene, getting rich in Kano through his songs, and yet insulting Kano’s leaders. This is all true. However, ‘da ɗan gari a kan ci gari’ (enemy within). Only about three songs in my analytical corpus by Rarara were free-standing (i.e., unsponsored). All the others were commissioned and paid for – by politicians from Kano, to abuse other politicians from Kano. Rarara always acknowledges his sponsors in the opening doxology of his performances.

Rarara was a highly unprincipled and unethical businessman. Show him the money, and he will praise his closest friend and abuse the friend’s enemy. Show him more money, and he will insult the same friend he praised, and heap praises on the enemy he insulted. Does anyone remember that the glorified “Ɗan Ƙaramin Sauro” (irritating mote) was part of the demeaned “Banza Bakwai” (Bastard Seven)? The bromance did not end well, did it? Business unusual.

In any event, Rarara’s invective braggadocio came back to hit him hard on 5th April 2023 when his opponents used his mother’s picture in unflattering terms and splattered it all over social media and gave her a feminine variation of an insulting name he used against one of his targets. Apparently when the shoe is on the other foot, it pinches.

Thus, instead of focusing on political ideology and promises of creating a better life for the electorate, often politicians in Kano (and I think Kano, as usual, is the only state that uniquely does this) would pay more attention to denigrating, shaming, and condemning opposing candidates, creating an unfavorable imagery of the politician to prevent his being voted. Rarara was a perfect malleable puppet in this process. He has the same emotional value to Kano politicians as an alien from Saturn. Despite his lyrical brilliance and acerbic wit, he was expendable. How many singers from Kano can you recall doing the same invective insults as Rarara to Kano politicians? Two? Three? Their corpus is not as extensive as that of Rarara. Conversely, how many politicians from Katsina pay Rarara money to insult other Katsina politicians? I can only remember one.

Wary of possible legal action against direct defamatory speeches, politicians often find it easier to engage what I call ‘political drones’ to communicate their defamatory messages through the popular medium of singing. In this way, when push comes to shove, it is the singer who would face legal – or in some cases, physical – wrath in one way or other. Unethical singers like Rarara – who was arrested, but not charged in 2014 over “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano” – were willing to pay the price in exchange for the stupendous amount of money they will receive. At least they will have enough for medical care when their houses were wrecked, assaulted and incapacitated to continue singing.

And the politician who caused it all? He can’t even remember the song that made him popular, having moved on to greener political pastures. Until the next election cycle when he will latch on another expendable drone to help him heat up the polity through more invective songs using campaign words he does not have the guts to utter himself.

Rarara’s defense of not uttering specific names in his invective taunts and body shaming do not stand up to scrutiny under Nigeria’s defamation laws, and demonstrates that while he was a brilliant lyricist, he needs to understand the law. This is because his invective defamation in the form of his songs is publicly available (indeed, he made them so), created a narrative about individuals that are easily identifiable either by their physical appearance or public behavior, created a negative impression on the person being so targeted, and was not misquoted as Rarara’s utterances (from his songs) were publicly available and subject to an only interpretation as intended. A clever prosecutor would have enough to jail Rarara on listening to any of his invective songs, if someone complained hard enough.

Invective songs can often have their positive sides in the sense of making politicians – or their targets – aware of public perception of their misdemeanors, or at most, errant behaviors. Rarara’s invective narrative in the selected songs I analyzed, however, do not demonstrate their oversight functions in public accountability for politicians. Regardless of whether explicit names were uttered or not, their narrative was focused on kicking them when they are down, and subjecting them to public ridicule. This questions the artistry of Rarara as a purveyor of aesthetic values of the Hausa oral arts.

Academicians ignore Rarara and his art – and I think that’s a mistake. True, some would argue that his songs have no aesthetic, intellectual or ideological value. On the contrary, they do. In their own way. They are beautiful as lyrical discourses. His delivery is truly artistic, even if the content is inelegant. Unlike other songs in the repertoire of political communication, his are not protest songs, and thus lack ideological focus. They neither educate, illuminate or illustrate any aspect of political culture. They only entertain – at the expense of the dignity of the people he attacks. His songs synthesize Hausa rural lexicon overlayered with abusive, often self-constructed urban jargon to enhance general appeal – and act as rabble rousers for politicians who think like him. It is a unique, if unadmirable business model in the performing arts.

Subsequently, Rarara’s songs cannot be compared, by any stretch of imagination, with the classical Hausa protest poets such as Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin, Aƙilu Aliyu, Abba Maiƙwaru and Aminu Kano, whose artforms were fueled by educative political ideology, certainly not profit. Mudi Sipikin, for instance. used his poetry to attack the system of colonial rule. Aƙilu Aliyu wrote poems directly attacking the NPC. Abba Maiƙwaru wrote a 10-line NEPU poem for which he and Aminu Kano were arrested in the mid-1950s.

Zungur used his poetry originally to warn the emirs of the north of the necessity for reform, as illustrated in his central work, Jumhuriya ko Mulukiya [Republic or Monarchy]. In this work, he called for political and social problems to be solved on the basis of the existing Islamic institutions, rejecting alien political concepts. He later used his poetry to appeal directly to the common people. In a similar vein, one of the earliest poems written for a northern political party was by Aminu Kano, and called ‘Waƙar Ƴancin NEPU-Sawaba’ [Freedom poem for NEPU-Sawaba], and published in 1953 and put in the final form by Isa Wali. It was one of the earliest statements of Nigerian nationalism.

Despite all these, I argue that as researchers we can’t afford to ignore a current of knowledge flowing right at our feet. But the cold shoulder given to Rarara by our community, opposed to Aminu Ladan Abubakar (ALAN Waƙa) who is a toast to the academic and intellectual community, merely emphasizes the expendable and ephemeral nature of Rarara’s art. Ten years after the release of any ALA song, it will still have relevance. The relevance of Rarara’s songs rarely last to the next song release. Instantly forgettable.

Nevertheless, just as we struggled for the recognition and documentation (if not acceptance) of the Kano Market Literature in the 1990s when everyone was denigrating it, we need to also document the stream of popular culture, including Rarara – warts and all – flowing around us at all times. As far as I could see, only Maikuɗi Zukogi has focused attention on two of Rarara’s songs. More needs to be done.

As soon as I tell myself that I will wrap up the research, he will release a song insulting a former master or associate. Subsequently, I delayed publishing the research until he insults two people, and true to expectations, he did. These were President Muhammadu Buhari (Matsalar Tsaro) and Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje (Lema ta sha ƙwaya). With the ‘Hankaka’ barb against Ganduje in the Lema song, my fieldwork became almost complete. His destruction of “ɗan ƙaramin sauro” leaves only the references to be completed. As I argued, based on his corpus, Rarara sells to the highest bidder, with neither conscience or ideology. The huge profit he makes serve as an insurance against future loss of earnings when Kano politicians become mature enough to stop patronizing him to insult each other (and themselves) and utilize his skills in more constructive ways.

My thanks to a team of eager research assistants, headed by my ever faithful and close companion, Hassan Auwalu Muhammad – a former songwriter and lyricist himself. He was the one who mainly, patiently, transcribed the songs which I wove into a narrative going to almost 40 pages! I plan to upload the lot during my Summer break when the children are all here on holiday! By then the threatened wobbling ‘Tangal-Tangal’ had stopped and probably settled for a four-year legal battle.

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Kano Women Battle for Bed Spaces at Major Hospitals, Leaving Many Stranded or Worse – Dead

Published

1 month ago

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September 28, 2024

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Baby Amina is yet to cry over a week after her birth, as no bed available at tertiary health facilities

Aisha Ahmad Ismail

It was a dark day for Malama Khadija, who despite heavy bleeding with no pads on has been on the road for almost 8 hours, seeking help for a baby that has not cried a day after birth even after visiting 9 hospitals in Kano.

The new mother was forced to ride in her husband’s tricycle, ignoring the dripping blood as they went to 9 hospitals, none accepted them for mainly reasons of bed space

Khadija birthed a girl on Monday, when health care workers at asibitin Bela noticed the child did not cry, and later referred them to Hasiya Bayero Pediatric Hospital for better access to professionals.

Here, a security guard asked them to ‘not waste their time’ as they do not care for children who did not cry at birth.

Other hospitals, the new parents visited Murtala Muhammad specialist where the father said the child was first checked, and her legs pinched with ‘something’.
They were later asked to leave for lack of bed space, and referred to another hospital.

The worried mother held the little girl now named Aminatu as they headed to Muhammad Abdullahi Wase Teaching Hospital. There, the doctors refused to attend to the child because they were on strike.

Malam Bala, the new father and a tricycle rider told this reporter that a police officer threatened to shoot a doctor for delayed attendance to his daughter born with similar condition to his. Doctors asked them to leave.

The brave new parents jostled the new born to another pediatric hospital; Sheikh Khalifa Isyaku Rabiu Pediatrics Hospital along Zoo Road, and their hopes were raised when a doctor started checking on her. A few minutes later, she came up with the same answer as the specialist hospital – no bed space.

Again, they left for Aminu Kano Teaching hospital with the help of a philanthropist they met on their long, hope dashing journey, Hajiya Binta and like before, there was no available bed space.

The parents, exhausted but not giving up on their child, went to a private health facility, where a bed space costs N10,000 per night, something the father said he could not afford if not for the charitable efforts of Hajiya Binta.

With her help, they paid for file N5,000, tests to be run on little Aminatu N6,000, drugs cost N15,000 and an injection N4,000.

He said they were able to spend just one night, as the expenses were much and he had to owe the hospital N21, 000.
Little Aminatu did not cry 7 days after her birth at which was the time of filing this report, and her parents are at home hoping one day, she would cry or stay quiet forever.

Khadija’s case is amongst the many maternal health related complications in the state; in Sept. 2022, a lady, Zainab lost her child and her life at Murtala Muhammad Specialist hospital; in February 2023, a woman now late Hajiya Shema’u Sani Labaran bled to death due to lack of cash at hand for treatments.
In 2024, an investigation by Solace base led to a whole community of women at Mazan Gudu community, Gabasawa LGA who survive pregnancy and childbirth on luck.

These are not isolated cases; but few of the many increasing preventable deaths at childbirth. According to UNICEF in 2018, Nigeria contributes 14% of global maternal deaths. The global body says at least 262, 000 babies die at birth, as the infant mortality rate stands at 69% per 1,000 births.

According to the National Health Care Development Agency 145 women die daily at childbirth in the country, with the highest figures coming from Northern Nigeria.

The staggering figures of maternal mortality and morbidity must have alarmed the Kano state government, leading to finding ways to ease the burden, amongst which is the creation of the Kano State Health Trust Fund created in 2017.
Women Die at Birth Despite Government’s Claimed Enhanced Funding
“I just returned from the burial of a woman who died from childbirth complications, the child is alive and hearty.”

This is the response of the Ja’en ward head, located at Sharada, Gwale LG, Isma’il Sa’ad Usman to the question of maternal mortality and morbidity is his domain.

He said he is not entirely sure why, but despite government’s interventions and NGOs, maternal deaths are not uncommon in many areas in Kano, including his.

Our trip to the primary health care in the area was really short, as health officers were ‘afraid’ of the media.

The Ja'en PHC was bustling with women hoping to get ante-natal care

The Ja’en PHC was bustling with women hoping to get ante-natal care

However, one officer who spoke briefly said women at the local level are wising up to accessing health facilities like theirs, adding that the state has trained officers enabling them to quickly refer to complicated births to higher facilities.
Interviews at some primary health care facilities reveal reduced death rates at the facilities.

A tour of Gwagwarwa primary health care showed women showing up for antenatal as health personnel move around to cater for their needs.

A health personnel at the facility who spoke on anonymously said though there are deaths at childbirth or after due to complications, they mostly occur at secondary and tertiary institutions or at home.

 

Image 3 . Women attending ante natal at Gwagwarwa PHC

Women attending ante natal at Gwagwarwa PHC

The health officer revealed that whenever a complication arises from birth, they are quick to refer to more qualified facilities, but lack of bed spaces of money for basic things make the patients return home, only to later die from preventable health complications.

According to the source, they have heard stories of deaths of either mother and child, or one of the two afterwards.

The village head of Gama, Malam Rabi’u Muhd Isyaku said people are poor, and have resorted to seeking help from Friday mosques or radio stations to treat maternal health problems.

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He said there are reports of maternal mortality, but it hardly goes public as they are mostly recorded at home.

“I am always heart broken when I hear a plea for help to cater for a pregnant woman during or after birth,” he added.
Nurse Laments Maternal Mortality; Blames Shortage of Staff .

Nurse Maimuna works at one of the government hospitals in Kano, she said they have recorded deaths at different stages of childbirth.

She said they have recorded deaths due to obstructed labor and prolonged labor that comes late to the hospital.

The nurse added that some women labor (active labor) for 20-30 hours, contrary to the ‘normal’ hours, leading to eventual deaths of both mother and child, or just the child.

Nurse Maimuna lamented how they are overwhelmed with patients that they skip women who are in need in urgent help or C-section.

She has witnessed few women die due to work overload that distracts health personnel at tertiary some institutions.
KHETFUND: Improved Maternal Health Care Promises Fulfilled?

In 2017, the Kano government led by former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje championed the State Trust Fund to help augment the state budget on health, including maternal and newborn health.
Speaking with this reporter, the former state health commissioner, Dr. Aminu Ibrahim Tsanyawa said the law mandates 5% of the fund’s money to the health sector.

He said from the time of Governors Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso to Malam Ibrahim Shekarau and Abdullahi Ganduje, there has been a free birth and post birth policy which all governments sustained irrespective of political ideologies.

Former health commissioner Kano, Dr. Aminu Ibrahim Tsanyawa

Former health commissioner Kano, Dr. Aminu Ibrahim Tsanyawa

However, there are times when the budget funds are not released on time, or the government is starved of cash, thus the 5% of the fund to ensure the maternal and childbirth ‘always’ gets the necessary attention and funds.
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Also speaking with this reporter, the director operations, KHETFUND, Dr. Muhamad Lawan Adamu said the 5% for maternal and children is on standing order and has never been delayed, unlike funds meant for hospitals- from primary to tertiary, institutions and others.

According to him, the 5% is handed over to the Kano Hospitals Management Board monthly.

According to another official of KHETFUND, Hamisu Abubakar who is the director admin and services, there has been constant cash flow into the fund from the mandatory 5% monthly IGR and 1% from LGAs allocation since the inception of the current Abba Kabir Yusuf administration, signaling that the fund is not starved of funds.
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KHETFUND Budget Performance
The Kano State Health Care Fund mandates that 50% of the budget be allocated to hospital (Pri, Secondary and Tertiary), 25% to health education institutions 2% to running of the fund, 2% to the vulnerable groups, 5% to maternal health care.

Kano budget performance shows low performance of the KHETFUND; however, this does not affect the 5% maternal health care fund as confirmed by officials of KHETFUND.

The 1st quarter of 2024 budget shows 0% performance of the budget despite the allocation of N800,000,000 to the fund as shown on page 7.

With a budget of N1,200,000,000 in 2023, the fund recorded only 2.1% budget performance, also as seen on page 7 of the document.

With a budget of N1,400,000,000 in 2022, KHETFUND had a 5% budget performance as seen on page 6 of the budget performance document.

YEAR
AMOUNT
PERFORMANCE %

2024
N800m
0%

2023
N1.2bn
2.1%

2022
N1.4bn
5%

Source: Kano budget performance documents

The low performance, according to a KHETFUND official, is not unconnected to the fact that hospitals and institutions do not write to the fund requesting for their needs.

Dr. Muhamad Lawan Adamu, director operations of the fund said they disburse funds only when requested and after due process – with the exception of the maternal health 5% of course.
Despite 5% KHETFUND Maternal Allocation, Why Maternal Health Crisis?
A trip to the Kano Hospital Management Board as directed by the Kano State Health Ministry through the spokesperson, Ibrahim Abdullahi led me to the office of the officer in charge KHETFUND at the board.

He however refused to speak for ‘lack of authorization’ to speak with the media on the issue.

Another trip to the board revealed that the 5% fund from KHETFUND was received regularly. Speaking anonymously, an official said there are many factors for persistent problems with maternal health in Kano.

The first issue the official raised was that the fund was only meant to ‘augment’ needs in the sector, and this will be based on request.

The second problem the official noted was lack of enough doctors/health personnel to man any additional bed or space at the hospitals thus the fund was used to purchase drugs and all other valuables/instruments, including for CS to care for pregnant women and the babies.

NGOs Worry Over Shortage of Bedspaces, underutilization of PHCs
Sanusi Hashim, is the contact person for Society for Child Support and Economic Empowerment, he said they are worried by widely reported maternal deaths despite increased funding and positive government policies.

According to him, many factors are responsible for the trend including
Under utilization of PHCs; According to the officer, they have come to understand that most pregant women would rather go to the ‘bigger’ hospitals that the Primary Health Cares within their locality. Though some PHCs are in terrible conditions, many have been improved to even carry out Cesarean Sections should the need arise. He said these could have eased pressure on the secondary and tertiary health facilities in the state, reduce mortality rate further and provide adequate health care to both mother and child – free of charge.

Lack of bed spaces: Due to the inflow of patients from all 44 LGAs in Kano, Mr. Hashim Sa’id there is congestion and lack of space. He revealed that a tour to one of the tertiary hospitals; Abdullahi Wase Teaching Hospital showed no bed space available to cater for more patients. This he said.

NGO Provides Additional Solutions to Maternal Mortality and Morbidity
Society for Child Support and Economic Empowerment said there is urgent need for government to equip, upgrade and provide adequate personnel at ‘all’ primary health care centers in the state.

The contact person, of the organization, Sanusi Hashim says this will take excellent health care to the doorstep of the masses in all LGA, thus reduce pressure on the secondary and tertiary institutions.

After that, he advocates for intensive campaign on the importance and need for pregnant women to patronize PHCs in their areas.

Sanusi also called on the Kano State Government to increase wards and bed spaces at all health facilities.
On their parts, traditional leaders at Sharada Ja’en and Gwagwarwa seek increased funding and special packages for the poor in the society.

 

 

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How Maryam Abacha Varsity Produced 5 Provosts of Nursing Colleges, 1,000 Lab Scientists, 100 Lawyers, Others in 12 Years

Published

2 months ago

on

September 7, 2024

By

 

Twelve years after its establishment, the Maryam Abacha American University of Niger (MAAUN), in Maradi, Niger Republic, has produced five Provosts of Nursing Colleges in Borno, Yobe, and Bauchi States.

Dr. Hadiza Sabo a graduate of Nursing from the University is the current Provost of Shehu Sule College of Nursing and Midwifery, in Damaturu, Yobe state.

Varsity Appoints Gombe Emir As Chancellor

Equally, Dr. Hadiza Yahya is serving as Provost, College of Nursing Sciences in Maiduguri, Borno state, while Dr. Rakiya Saleh is the Provost College of Nursing Sciences in Bauchi, Bauchi state. The trio of Rakiya and the two aforementioned Hadizas all bagged their first and postgraduate degrees from MAAUN.

In addition, Kiloh Nifor who is also the Provost, College of Nursing Sciences in Jalingo, Taraba state, and Dr. Yusuf Bello, the Provost, Kaduna State College of Nursing Sciences, are also alumni of the university.

MAAUN, which was founded in 2013, is owned by Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo, a philanthropist and French Linguistics scholar.

Politics Digest also reports that the Faculty of Law of the premier Ivory Tower, established only in 2015, has produced over 400 law graduates, with more than a hundred of them already called to the Nigerian Bar.

In addition, over 1,000 Medical Laboratory Scientists produced by MAAUN are presently working in Nigeria, while no fewer than 700 of them are practicing abroad.

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It would be recalled that the institution was the first to offer a Bachelor of Science degree in Nursing in Niger Republic, where thousands of nursing officers trooped for their university education from different countries.

“The Nursing Degree programme greatly increased the number of nursing graduates in Nigeria. The university started offering Nursing in 2012 and has so far graduated over 2,000 graduates who are rendering their services at different hospitals in Nigeria and abroad,” said the university’s President, Prof. Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo.

Barrister Umar Isa Sulaiman, a law lecturer at MAAUN, while informing Politics Digest that their Faculty commenced academic activities in 2013, said: “Our graduates are working in different government agencies and parastatals. Some are Sharia Court Judges, Magistrates, and some are working in the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

“Also, a high number of our graduates are in private practice. We do meet and appear before different courts. I can categorically tell you that they are doing wonderfully well as advocates.”

Furthermore, the Prof. Adamu Gwarzo-owned university has been positively impacting the lives of several Nigerians.

A MAAUN graduate of Nursing, Hamisu Iliyasu, who hailed from Sokoto State, told this newspaper how his alma mater produced many Directors and Heads of Nursing Colleges in Nigeria.

“You know universities in the North don’t offer Nursing; you either go to the South or you end up retiring at Level 14 as a civil servant. But our prestigious Maryam Abacha American University came to the rescue of so many of us, and we are grateful,” he said.

According to Dr. Kabiru Mahmud, a staff member of the Medical Laboratory Sciences Department of MAAUN, “Our great and pace-setting university has helped increase the number of Medical Laboratory Scientists, not only in Northern Nigeria but in the country at large. We have students from across the country.

“Some came from Lagos, Benin, and Ibadan. I can categorically tell you that Maryam Abacha American University of Niger has the highest number of young Medical Laboratory Scientists in Nigeria.

“Before now, one could hardly find someone with a degree in this field, but only a Diploma. But MAAUN came and provided the opportunity to many undergraduates. Go to Federal Medical Centres across the country, and you will find it difficult counting the number of their staff who are our products.”

Checks by this newspaper further revealed that some MAAUN alumni are presently working at the National Hospital in Abuja and the Mallam Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, AKTH, in Kano state.

The university according to findings has the highest number of Nurses working in Canada, USA and other foreign countries from West Africa.

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Hotoro Residents Threaten to Vote Out Leaders in 2027 Over Dilapidated Road

Published

2 months ago

on

September 3, 2024

By

The untarred and dilapidated road

Residents of Hotoro in Kano State are voicing their growing frustration with local and state leaders over the deplorable condition of a key road in their community. In interviews with Nigerian Tracker, the residents expressed deep dissatisfaction and issued a warning that they may withhold their votes in the 2027 elections if their concerns continue to be ignored.

Shehu Usman, a long-time resident of Hotoro, articulated the sentiments of many in the area. “Our area is a vote bank, not just in Nassarawa Local Government but across the whole of Kano State,” Usman said. “Yet, the road is no longer passable in both the rainy and dry seasons, and those we elected—from the Governor to the Chairman and even the legislators—seem not to care about the deplorable state of this road.

The road in question, which remains untarred, stretches from the Ring Road around Nur Petroleum Junction, passes through Hotoro Primary and Secondary Schools, and ends at the Hotoro Police Division. The poor state of the road has been a long-standing issue, but despite repeated complaints, nothing has been done to address it.

Iliya Musa, another concerned resident, lamented that politicians only seem to care about the community during election season. “During election season, politicians flock to our area, making promises and shaking hands. But once they are in office, they turn a deaf ear to our problems,” Musa said. “This road could easily be constructed, but our leaders have ignored us, and now, it feels like the area is turning into a slum.”

As 2027 approaches, the residents of Hotoro are making it clear that their votes will not be taken for granted. If their elected leaders fail to address the worsening conditions in the community, they may face a harsh electoral backlash from a constituency that has had enough of broken promises.

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