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Opinion

2023 And The Nigerian Youth-Dul Johnson

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Dul Johnson

 

By:-
Dul Johnson
Department of English,
Bingham University, Karu
Nasarawa State

I am not one of you. I am one of those who enjoyed everything good in this country and ruined it. I am one of those who believe that, like the phoenix, Nigeria can, and will rise again. But this can only happen if the younger generation wakes up now; younger generation because that’s where the strength and force of this country lie.

The Nigerian youth have been bashed and battered from different angles: a poor and unstable education system, lack of gainful employment, poverty, exclusion from politics except when they are being exploited and so on. Having experienced these for many years the youth have become lethargic rather than think and act. Consequently many have lost confidence in themselves; in their ability to do anything. Many have turned to drugs, crime (of different kinds), or a life of idleness. Saner societies institute gradual succession programmes through which the youth are integrated into the socio-political system. This way they will play a role in the affairs of the society and get a grooming until they are ready to take over. It seems to me that it is time this happened in Nigeria. I say this confidently because I saw a jolt out of that state of lethargy in 2020.

What happened in 2020 showed that we are not done with the youth yet. They have not been completely destroyed. After all a few have distinguished themselves and broken out despite the stifling socio-economic conditions in the country. Armed with the internet, incensed by their experience with the corrupt SARS police unit, the youth showed that they were not the Indolent lot we thought they were. With a mutual purpose and pooling their energies, they called out SARS. The media savvy generation soon created a hashtag which quickly became the platform to call for the end of SARS—the symbol of all the rot and dysfunction that was Nigeria.

 

ASUU Strike And Posterity-Ameer Abdul Aziz

Saner societies institute gradual succession programmes through which the youth are integrated into the socio-political system. This does not mean that the youth will take over power: there is nowhere in the world that this happens. What it means is that the youth will count; that they will play a role in the affairs of the society in every facet. It seems to me that it is time this happened in Nigeria. I say this confidently because I saw a jolt out of deep slumber. The individual exploits no longer mattered as the youth are collectively harassed, extorted and maimed as a result of the stereotype forced on them. They must therefore awaken to the need to pool their collective force towards creating the desired change.
EndSARS was a revolution in its latent and modern form. The organisers knew the system and the forces they were up against and were therefore not aiming at the pyrrhic victory of the Eastern Spring movements. Violent revolutions, as we know now, have not helped any society as they end up being far more expensive than imagined, setting the societies several years back. Silent revolutions, which are intellectually engineered, are now the answer to societies’ social and political problems. That is what Nigeria needs. That is what we have needed these many years of wondering in the woods, and this is what the youth can give us easily. If they want. They have the capacity and the resources, but they have to be ready, mentally and physically. I thought they were when they went into action in 2020.

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The EndSARS revolution of October, 2020 was a silent revolution. It had the elements of a silent revolution, even when it was hijacked in the end. It was a huge success given the forces it was up against. How it was organized and the impact it made is the reason I am writing this piece, and the reason I think it is needed now more than ever before. I believe that the youth can come to the rescue of this country by employing and deploying the method and machinery that gave them success during EndSARS to turn the politics of this country around come 2023. The resolve and resilience of the Nigerian youth was tested and proven. It was like going through the crucible.

The value of that movement was not in ending SARS. It did not even have the power to end SARS. But the way in which it attempted to dismantle that institution, that movement could, and should, do more than remove SARS. What can bring SARS and our numerous problems to an end is putting an end to bad politics and bad governance using the same ‘silent’ revolution method. They have the numerical, intellectual and physical strength to make this happen. The youth also have the capacity to mobilize and network, both on the social and other media. Above all, they have the goodwill of a great number of Nigerians of the older generation who wish for a better Nigeria, and have the experience to share. Strength, numbers and mobilization skills need the experience component to bring about the desired change in Nigeria.

Many times when I have discussed this idea with my peers, the fear has been that the youth are like their parents; selfish, greedy, polarized along ethnic and religious lines and as corrupt, if not more corrupt than their parents. To succumb to this view is to believe that Nigeria is doomed; that there are no good people left in the country. It may be foolhardy to refuse to see Nigeria as a failed state but we will not be the first failed state that would bounce back. We have all that it takes to become a great nation, and everything that we need to become one of the richest nations of the world.

My suggestion for the youth is simple. Revive the spirit of the 2020 movement with all the organizational acumen you displayed. Expand the network and use all the social and other media at your disposal. Think Nigeria. THINK NIGERIA! You do not have a political party and you do not need to form one. Your movement was stronger than a political party and it will be even stronger this time. Mobilize yourselves, keep talking and networking as you watch the political parties jostle. Never mind the fact that there will be detractors and black sheep amongst you. This is to be expected when you are dealing with human beings, but their numbers will be few and of no serious consequences. Watch the parties carefully. Analyze and discuss what they say. Analyze their manifestoes critically. Use experts when needed, and take their advice. Advise all youth (of voting age) to register and have their voter’s cards handy.

Make your decision close to elections. It may be difficult, but you must keep sentiments out of this project. Let your decision be a collective one; debate it on all possible platforms. Bear in mind that you are on a mission to save Nigeria. Find an appropriate slogan to capture this and let it be imprinted on everyone’s mind. In making the decision for a candidate, do not consider AGE, RELIGION or ETHNICITY. These are of no consequence if you think NIGERIA. All that is needed is to give your adopted candidate 75-95% of your votes and the real revolution would have started. Watch out for a ‘Dark Horse’ if there will be one. Whether it is at the state or national level, remember that someone has to be there. If there is no suitable dark horse, one of the numerous jostlers would definitely prove to have the intelligence and patriotic zeal to pull the country (or state) out of the woods.

To save Nigeria, you need to think Nigeria. To bring back the glorious days of Nigeria which you did not see but have heard so much of, you need to think Nigeria. And to THINK NIGERIA means to act as one; and the one force required to turn the political fortunes of the country around. I am behind you and with you. The progressives—by which I mean Nigerians who subscribe to egalitarian ideologies—are with you, and solidly behind you, and they can be found in all political parties.

 

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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