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Religion , Ethics And Journalism: The NASCO Story

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By Jonathan Ishaku

One of the setbacks of tackling terrorism in Nigeria today is the tendency to conflate it with religion. As a multi-religious society, journalists need to be faithful in the rendition of the terrorism narrative without sacrificing truth or objectivity. That, however, starts with the understanding of what terrorism is and what it is not! Even at that they will have to abide by their professional ethics in their reportage in order to not only safeguard professional integrity but also to protect national security and unity.

This is for the reason that an unprofessional handling of the terrorism narrative often drives two opposing extremes: those who, on the basis of religion, simply deny the existence of terrorism in its entirety, on the one hand, and those who erroneously equate Islam with terrorism, on the other. This has severe consequences for the society in countering the threat.

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The first tendency hinders consensus in tackling terrorism in its embryonic and subsequent stages. To butters this, I once quoted Prof. Yakubu, a Muslim scholar and former Vice Chancellor of University of Abuja who told a gathering at a book launch organized by De Minaret International at Abuja in May 2012 that “the country was under attack by bad elements within the Muslim community and Muslim leaders were not doing enough to fish out the suspects.” (Daily Trust, May 7, 2012). Indeed, many Muslim leaders had criticized the designation of Boko Haram as a terrorist organization because they argue that they were Muslims.

The other extreme is equally invidious; it is divisive. The article “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story” by one David Hundeyin which went viral in the first week of October 2021, in my opinion, illustrates this tendency. As one who had published a book, entitled “Boko Haram: How Religious Intolerance threatens Nigeria,” in 2009, and reputed to be one of the first books on the subject, I was naturally intrigued. I went through Mr. Hundeyin’s article several times.

In the end I concluded that Akwa Ibom-born Mr. Hundeyin, whose real name is David Inyene-Obong Nugboyon Oluwaseun, leaned too heavily on the notion equating the Islamic religion with terrorism. His analysis provided no evidential linkage between NASCO, the manufacturers of Nigeria’s leading cornflakes brand and Boko Haram, the terrorist group which he dressed in the religious toga of jihad except reinforcing the erroneous notion that Muslims and Muslim leaders are sponsors of terrorism. I do not dispute that Boko Haram sees itself as waging a jihad, using terrorism, but donning a Muslim-owned corporate entity like NASCO such a label would require substantial proof of evidence that it indeed actually involved itself in the crime of terrorism. It should be clear that Boko Haram is NOT being fought because it claims to be a radical or extremist Islamic group or that it is an acclaimed jihadist movement, no. Boko Haram is being prosecuted because it is involved in the crime of terrorism; killings, bloody sieges against communities, kidnappings, insurgency, and many acts of terror and violence against the people! Radical movements exist in all religions, it is no crime but when they begin to resort to violence they cross into the threshold of terrorism and criminality.

Alex P. Schmid, a leading scholar on terrorism, warns the linkage between radicalization and religious extremism is tendentious. Schmid said, “While both stand at the same distance from mainstream political thinking, the first tends to be open-minded, while the second manifests a closed mind and distinct willingness to use violence against civilians.” (Schmid, 2013). Radicalism gave the blacks equal rights in the US, independence to Nigeria in 1960, ousted Apartheid in South Africa in 1990, brought about the liberation of Southern Sudan in 2011, etc. Extremism, however, fuels violent terrorism. Although a majority of such violence is religious, among the plethora of modern-day extremist groups with known terrorist track-record are: secular/political/anarchists, right-wing, left-wing, ethno-nationalists and single-issue extremists.

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For example, the Ombatse killings in Nasarawa State in which over 60 security operatives were killed in 2013 fell into one of these categories. Which category does the bandits who attack Christians and Muslims equally, and kill worshippers in churches and mosques, fall? Any reporter that cannot figure out the distinction shouldn’t report on terrorism!

Apart from understanding the subject of investigation and the pursuit of objectivity, professional integrity is also crucial in reporting terrorism. When a reporter reports on terrorism his or her motives shouldn’t be opened to questioning. Journalists are guided by the principle of telling the truth, not half-truths, but “the whole truth.” Mr. Hundeyin was on a thing when he reported that the late founder of NASCO International, Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin, was on the United Nations Security Council’s list of sanctions back in 2002 over suspicion of terrorism financing. In the research for my 2009 book, I also discovered this, but it never appeared in my book because that wasn’t “the whole truth.” The truth is that suspicion alone doesn’t constitute culpability.

Dr. Nasreddin’s plight came in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorism bombing of the World Trade Centre twin towers and the Pentagon. As in all panicky situations, both the USA and the UNSC, without resort to the legal principle of presumption of innocence, embarked on sanctions against some suspected individuals and corporate entities. One of such entities was Bank Al Taqwa owned by Youssef Nada, and a bank in which Dr. Nasreddin was a director. Although NASCO International was never implicated, owing to the inclusion of its founder, it was equally blacklisted and suffered some sanctions in Italy, Switzerland, Turkey Morocco, and the Bahamas. However, NASCO Group Nigeria, which operated independently was never closed down aside the proceedings in a Nigerian high court referenced by the author. In 2008, however, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) determined that the UNSC blacklist was arbitrary and a violation of human rights.

Meanwhile, after a thorough investigation by the UN Al Qaeda and Taliban Committee between late 2007 and early 2008, on January 17, 2008, the UN Security Council fully exonerated Dr. Ahmed Nasreddin and NASCO International of involvement in terrorism financing, vide UNSC Resolution S/2008/25. This is the whole truth regarding Hundeyin’s story “Cornflakes for Jihad”. So why did the journalist choose to omit this vital information from his report? Did he have a hidden agenda then? Why did he prefer to run with the half-truth than “the whole truth”?

Furthermore, when reporting “the whole truth,” many trained, as opposed to social media emergency reporters, are adept to the principles and practice of restraint and responsibility. My professor illustrated this point with the allegory of “fire in the crowded cinema hall.” If you notice an outbreak of fire at the back of the crowded hall, will you scream “Fire!” knowing very well that many people will die or be injured in the ensuing stampede? I don’t know what training in journalism or public relations the police Public Relations Officer in Jos, Plateau State had received, but I knew he was untrained and unfit for the office when at the unfortunate killing of 22 travelers from Bauchi en route Ondo State, in Jos, on August 14, 2021, he went on air to announce that “Muslim travelers were killed by Christian Irigwe youths.” The reaction to the announcement was predictable, Jos went up in flames!

From the outbreak of violence on the August 14 and August 25, when “unknown gunmen” killers invaded a community in the vicinity in Jos killing 38 people, till the end of September 2021 that normalcy gradually returned, the peace in Jos was quite fragile indeed, with the University of Jos and several businesses under lock. It was under these circumstances, that on October 3, 2021, Mr. Hundeyin released his bombshell, guaranteed to set NASCO on fire and rekindle another bloodbath of religious clashes in the city. For what purpose?

Half-truths packaged in incendiary language targeting the largest employer of labour in tensed Jos! Did the author ever consider what the people had just passed through? Did he exercise restraint and responsibility in consideration of the interests of the inhabitants, the returning students, economic activities, and growth of the state in particular and national security and unity in general?

The religious sentiment beclouding terrorism reportage could of itself turn into a weapon of violence. But for the general caution of the public, the aforesaid article would have plunged Jos city into another orgy of violence, while the author is ensconced in the comfort of his self-styled exile somewhere abroad.

Both Christians and Muslims are victims of terrorism. Terrorists spare no one. That is why both Muslim and Christians have called on the Federal Government to declare the bandits, killers and kidnappers in the North West and Middle Belt as terrorists because of the mayhem they have unleashed on the people not because of their religion.

About the author:
Ishaku is a journalist and writer. He is also Member of the Editorial Advisory Board, The Independent Newspaper.

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Opinion

When Power Meets Purpose: Why Abba Kabir Yusuf’s APC Move Is Kano’s Necessary Turn

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By Abdulkadir Ahmed Ibrahim (Kwakwatawa), FNGE.

In politics, moments arise when loyalty to a platform must give way to loyalty to the people. There are seasons when courage is not found in standing still, but in moving forward with clarity of purpose. Kano State stands at such a moment. The planned defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to the ruling All Progressives Congress is not an act of betrayal. It is a call to responsibility, a deliberate choice shaped by necessity, foresight, and the overriding interest of Kano and its people.

Perhaps power, when isolated, grows weak. Governance, when detached from the centre, struggles to deliver. Since the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as governor, Kano has found itself standing alone in the national space. Federal presence is thin, strategic attention limited. The state that once sat confidently at the table of national influence now watches key decisions pass by without its voice fully heard. This isolation is not a reflection of the governor’s intent or capacity; it is the reality of operating outside the ruling structure in a political environment where access often determines outcomes.

It is common knowledge that governors do not govern in a vacuum. Roads, security, education, health, and economic revival depend on cooperation between state and federal authorities. When that bridge is weak, the people bear the cost. Kano today needs bridges, not walls. It needs inclusion, not distance. It needs a seat where decisions are shaped, not a gallery where outcomes are merely observed.

The internal tension surrounding the emirate question has further deepened uncertainty. While history and tradition demand respect, governance demands stability. Prolonged disputes distract leadership, unsettle investors, and weigh heavily on public confidence. At such a time, a governor requires strong institutional backing and political leverage to navigate sensitive reforms with balance and authority. Standing alone makes that task far more difficult than it ought to be.

More troubling is the visible absence of federal projects and partnerships. In a country where development is often driven by political proximity, Kano cannot afford to remain on the margins. A state of its stature, population, and historical relevance deserves more than sympathetic silence. It deserves action, presence, and partnership.

It is within this context that Abba Kabir Yusuf’s movement toward the APC must be understood. Not as personal ambition, but as strategic realism. Not as political convenience, but as a pathway to unlock opportunities long denied by distance from power.

By extension, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso stands at a defining crossroads. History has placed him in a rare position. He is respected across party lines, commands a loyal following, and remains one of the most influential political figures in Northern Nigeria. Above all, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu holds him in high regard. They share a common political generation, having both served as governors in 1999, shaped by the same democratic rebirth and seasoned by time and experience.

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In addition, one can recall that both Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Bola Tinubu were at the National Assembly under the platform of the now defunct Social Democratic Party, SDP, during the short-lived 3rd Republic. The former was the Deputy Speaker at the House of Representatives while the latter was a Senator together with Late Senator Engineer Magaji Abdullahi who was also elected under the same SDP ticket.

Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi a former Deputy Governor of Kano State (2003 to 2007) and also a former Chief Executive of the State owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Agency, WRECA, in the 1980s was a benefactor of Engineers Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Abba Kabir Yusuf were they first met as members of staff.

The late successful Kano technocrat, accomplished engineer, career civil servant charismatic and vibrant national politician was a close ally and associate of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu starting from the SDP days and the duo was some of the foundation members of the APC.

The President’s repeated extension of an olive branch to Kwankwaso is therefore not accidental. These gestures are acknowledgements of value, respect, and shared history. They signal recognition of Kwankwaso’s political weight and his capacity to contribute meaningfully at the national level. When such calls come consistently, wisdom suggests they should not be ignored. Kwankwaso should heed the call by moving along with the political direction of Kano State.

The truth is unavoidable. The political home Kwankwaso once built no longer offers the shelter it promised. The NNPP is enmeshed in internal crises that threaten its very identity. Court cases over party ownership and recognition pose serious risks. With the Independent National Electoral Commission recognising one faction amid raging disputes, the platform has become unstable ground for any serious electoral ambition. Under these circumstances, entering the 2027 race either with Abba Kabir Yusuf seeking re election on the NNPP platform or Kwankwaso pursuing a presidential ambition would amount to gambling against history and reason.

The alternatives are no better. The Peoples Democratic Party is fractured, weakened by internal contradictions and persistent leadership disputes. Its once formidable structure now struggles to inspire confidence. The African Democratic Congress, on the other hand, is ideologically and historically uncomfortable for Kwankwaso. Many of its leading figures were once his fiercest rivals. They resisted him in the PDP and are unlikely to allow him meaningful influence now. Political memory is long, and grudges rarely dissolve.

Beyond current realities lies a deeper lesson from history. Regional parties, no matter how passionate or popular within their strongholds, have rarely succeeded on the national stage. From the First Republic to the Fourth, the pattern remains consistent. Nigeria rewards broad coalitions, not narrow bases. Power flows where diversity converges.

The APC today represents that convergence. It is not perfect, but it is expansive. It is national in outlook, broad in structure, and firmly in control of the federal machinery. For Kano, aligning with the APC is not surrender. It is strategy. It is an investment in relevance, access, and development.

For Abba Kabir Yusuf, the move is about delivering tangible dividends of democracy. For Kwankwaso, it is about securing a future that reflects his stature and experience. Loyalty, in its truest sense, is not blind attachment to a platform. It is fidelity to the welfare of followers, to the aspirations of a people, and to the demands of the moment.

Politics is not static. It is a living conversation between ideals and realities. When realities change, wisdom adapts. Kano’s future demands bold choices, not sentimental delays. The music is louder now. The moment is clearer. The door is open.

History favours those who recognise when to move. For Abba Kabir Yusuf and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the path toward the APC is not a retreat from principle. It is a step toward purpose. They should go back to where they rightly belong. And for Kano, it may well be the bridge back to the centre, where its voice belongs and its destiny can be fully pursued.

Abdulkadir, a Fellow of Nigerian Guild of Editors, former National Vice President of the NUJ, Veteran Journalist, was the Press Secretary of the former Deputy Governor Late Engineer Magaji Abdullahi.

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Legislative Brilliance : DSP Barau Lights Up Al-Hikmah University

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By Abba Anwar

The management of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara state, shopped for an individual politician, whose intervention cuts across all sections of the country, with vigor, informed scholarship, skilful understanding of democracy and a patriotic contributor for national development. In their search, they stop on the table of the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, as they invited him to deliver the Convocation Lecture during the 15th Convocation Ceremony of the University, Wednesday.

Looking at the title of the lecture, “Managing Executive–Legislature Relations towards Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic,” it is glaring that, only informed political leaders, with the needed exposure, could add value to the discussion. Not vague and fairy tales tellers.

Amidst scholars, democrats and activists, Senator Barau explores legislative expertise and scholarly advancement of discussion about genuine democracy around national development. A position that underscores the imperative of harmonious executive-legislative relations for Nigeria’s democratic consolidation.

While the lecture did not focus “… on the evolving relationship between the executive and legislative arms of government since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999,” only, the lecture positions the DSP as a scholarly voice of governance.

Being a member of the House of Representatives in 1999 and now a Senator, Deputy Senate President, to be precise, and looking beyond his state or any micro political entity, he believes, profoundly that, the executive and the legislature must work together to address the challenges plaguing the nation.

As he delved into figurative identification of the productive and close nexus relationship that exists between the National Assembly and the executive arm under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, he enunciated that, only collaborative effort, amongst the two arms, could save the country. Hence, in his own terms, both executive and legislature are unarguably on the same page, of making Nigeria great again.

Apart from his scholarly discussion on the theme, his interventions in the education sector, back home in Kano and the nation in general, informed all decisions across the academic environment, there, and students’ bodies, to present to him Awards of Excellence. To officially recognize him as an icon for the development of the education sector in the land.

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They all appreciated his contributions to students through scholarships scheme, for studies in different fields of study. Both within and outside the country. As thousands get access to his scheme. He was identified as one of the leading national politicians whose contributions to education are immensely spotted and glaring. Some defined him as a National Messiah for Education.

Many Professors and academics, who attended the lecture, described him as a scholar in his own right. Whose arguments in the paper he presented, showcase how deeply rooted he is in the art of governance, legislation and engaging democratic activism.

The Deputy Senate President believes that, “A consolidated democracy is one in which political actors, institutions, and citizens internalise democratic norms, and where the probability of democratic breakdown becomes remote.”

He got standing ovation when he paraphrased, Diamond’s (1999) argument that, “In Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, democratic consolidation extends beyond the regular conduct of elections. It encompasses adherence to constitutionalism, respect for separation of powers, accountability, rule of law, and effective inter-institutional collaboration.

The Executive-Legislature relationship therefore constitutes a critical arena in which democratic values are either strengthened or undermined.”

DSP’s deeper knowledge of national democratic structure and his patriotic engagement for national cohesion and adherence to global experience, came on board when he posits that, “Early years of the Fourth Republic were marked by frequent conflicts over leadership of the National Assembly, budgetary processes, impeachment threats, and oversight functions which constitute impediments towards democratic consolidation after prolonged military rule.”

All the bottlenecks in his classical analysis stem from “Executive dominance inherited from prolonged military rule, weak institutional capacity within the Legislature, partisan competition overriding constitutional responsibility and
personalisation of power rather than institutional governance.”

Distinguished Senator Barau’s Al-Hikmah University’s presentation of Convocation Lecture, pushed many to accept the fact and the obvious that, he is indispensably a rare gem in legislative environment and a political stretcher in the national scheme of things. A national figure with global outreach. A gentleman with informed mind, capable hands and coordinated brain. Whose silence and humility are not defeatist, but calculative strategy.

One of the things that you cannot take away from him is, he is a political figure with thoughtful approach to politics.

In his elderly advice to the graduands he said, “As graduands of Al-Hikma University step into society, I urge you to uphold democratic values, demand accountable governance, and contribute intellectually and ethically to Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Democracy is not sustained by institutions alone, but by enlightened citizens and principled leaders.”

The concluding part of his paper, speaks volume about his unwavering belief in democratic process, patriotic leadership style and informed understanding of national politics devoid of ethnic chauvinism. Hear the gentleman, ” Distinguished audience, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has endured longer than any previous democratic experiment in our history.

This endurance, however, must be matched with qualitative democratic deepening. Managing Executive–Legislature relations with wisdom, restraint, and constitutional fidelity is central to this task.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Thursday, 8th January, 2026

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Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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