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I am a Professor

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Abdelgaffar Amoka

I have been to different offices and saw congratulatory posters and calendars of senior colleagues to celebrate their promotion to the rank of Professor. Some of this new culture always reminds me of the likes of Dr. Bala Usman that were more than qualified to be Professors but decided not to be. But here we are today celebrating the rank with posters, calendars, customized written pads, etc. I didn’t know the origin of the culture of making a professorial congratulation calendar, but it appears to be a general practice in recent times. Congratulatory messages for the appointment/promotion to the rank have even been upgraded to newspaper advertorials. I find this to be contrary to the principles of academics.

What is in the rank of Professor to celebrate by the individuals, family, or friends? It is supposed to be another facet of the life of an academic with more responsibilities, more headaches, and so many academic and community expectations. You should rather be congratulating the university for having another professor as that suppose to be a plus to the university’s profile in terms and grant-winning, capacity building, and national/global ranking. The university at that level is supposed to be relying on you, as a professor, to attract research grants and mentor its seasoned academics and researchers.

I think the best form of individual celebration of the promotion to that exalted rank is an Inaugural Lecture where you present how far you have come to earn the exalted position and the future research path you have created for the younger academics (your mentees) to fit it in. That path is supposed to bring funds to the university. But that is sometimes not the case here. Instead, we hold onto university politics.

The first time I had close contact with a Professor was in the late 80s when I got to know that Dr. Sunday Asun, my father’s cousin was a Professor at the University of Jos. I was like wow! Professor in our family? He was like a superhuman to me. He was much adored and held in high esteem by all of us till he passed away and he is still a reference point till today. Whenever he travelled home, as a child, I always wonder what was in his head. To me, he knows everything as a Professor. He co-authored a Biology textbook for Senior secondary students, that was shortly after 6-3-3-4 was introduced, and his nephew, who was my classmate, got some copies while we were in SS1. I was so excited to see the name of someone I know as the author of a book. We were so happy to show the book to our classmates and with an emphasis that the Author is our uncle.

I rated academics very high right from the time I was a child. I had little or no exposure but I admire Teachers/Lecturers and the only Professor I know. Their characteristic afro-like hair with those patches of grey hair was so adorable to me. Professors are to me, the finest people to have existed and Professor Asun was my idol.

I got to the university with that mindset and found myself in Physics by accident. I was first taught by a Professor in my second year at the university. Though I didn’t like the idea of studying physics at that time, but I was so pleased to be taught by a Professor. It was an unbelievable experience receiving a lecture from a Professor. The quality of thought is different. You can feel that thing that made them Professors. In my final year, one of the Professors was able to make me find something to love in Physics. That was the first time I heard of “optical fibre” and the role of physics and the concept of “total internal reflection” in endoscopy in medicine and optic fibre communication. And further interactions with him made me start considering the idea of choosing academia as a career path. His humility was unbelievable. There is nothing like a nonsense question. He was prepared to answer all your questions. Professor N. Hariharan doesn’t wait for you till you come around, he looks for you if the need arises.

Then I eventually got into academics in 2005 and I realized it wasn’t as I had fantasized over the years. The reality I met was not exactly like my idea of academics over the years. I realized that what existed up to the late 80s and possibly mid-90s was quite different. The university system has degraded seriously and has affected the quality of thought. Underfunding and poor welfare had impacted negatively to the system over time. As at the period I joined, academics were just trying to survive. No research fund, no motivation. The quality of teaching and research had eroded. I was sort of disappointed and discouraged.

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Of course, it is publish or perish in academia. Even though the research output was near zero for lack of funds and incentives, nobody want to perish. So everyone still publishes anyhow in order not to perish. All sorts of so-called university journals were floated for promotion’s sake. Publication in journals abroad used to be considered during the promotion to professorial cadre but it became silent. For those that still want to have a feeling that they have international journal papers, predatory journals like Journal of Innovative Research in Computer Science & Technology (IJIRCST), International Journal of Innovative Research in Engineering & Management (IJIREM), etc, were floated where you pay and get your paper published without proper peer-review.

There is this one that Prof Sa’ad Tukur, the former VC of FUT Minna termed as “communal effort”. One talented individual did work but helped colleagues come along by putting their names on the paper and called it group research and publications. This is possibly one of the reasons why some Nigerian universities discourage group publications. It is in reality, not a group publication.

All these have possibly led to the production of Professors that may not exactly be qualified for the rank judging from the quality of their ideas. They have the journal requirement for promotion but may have never attended an international conference or publish in any indexed international journal or won any research grant. Of course, these may not be part of the promotion requirements in that university.

There have been efforts to address this issue and some Vice-Chancellors are now emphasizing the need to publish in index journals. It will internationalize the research work of Nigerian academics and also enhance the visibility of the researcher and the affiliated universities in the research World.

The University of Ilorin for example has ranked journals in their promotion guidelines. The value attached to an article published in Q1 is like 4 times higher than the value attached to an article in a non-index university-based journal. We hope other universities will tow the path of Unilorin.

While these VCs are making efforts to take us back to the path of glory, a university recently appointed a serving Minister as a Professor. The last academic rank of the Minister was an Assistant Professor in a university in Saudi Arabia. The Nigerian University was either misguided in the appointment or somebody was convinced that an Assistant Professor in Saudi Arabian university is equivalent to a Reader in a Nigerian university. And interestingly, the people that often criticize the rot in our university did not see anything wrong in the unusual academic appointment but congratulating the “Professor” and calling the criticism envious or what they call “Hassada” in the Hausa language. I never knew our moral values have gone this low.

Envy? Academia is our constituency and we have the responsibility to defend it from internal and external aggression. If we don’t defend our constituency, no one will. If I need to envy anyone in this government, I think it should be the Chief of Staff to the President, Prof. Gambari. He was a distinguished academic and diplomat that was still found worthy of service in his 70s. I read profiles like his and their academic achievement and I wonder if I will be proud to be called a Professor looking at our limitations and my research output. He was a visiting professor to 3 universities in the US between 1986 and 1989. Can my academic and research output in our current setting earned me such when I become a Professor?

I read the biography of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari and I realized how much we have lost it. Prof Gambari who received his BSc (Econs) degree from the London School of Economics (1968) and his MA and PhD in Political Science/International Relations (1970, 1974) from Columbia University, USA was employed as a Lecturer at Queen’s College, the City University of New York in 1969 and later became an ASSISTANT PROFESSOR at the State University of New York from 1974 to 1977.

He returned to Nigeria to work as a SENIOR LECTURER at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, in 1977, where he rose to become a professor in 1983. He was appointed as a Minister and returned to Ahmadu Bello University in 1985 before he was later appointed the Nigerian Ambassador to the United Nations.

The point to note is that the revered and highly respected Prof Gambari returned to Nigeria as an Assistant Professor to pick the job of Senior Lecturer and not the job of a Professor. Even though Prof Sa’ad Tukur said there is no generalized NUC rule on promotion/appointment, and that every university decides on who to appoint as a Professor, but there seems to be no documented evidence that any university in Nigeria has appointed a politician or any other person who was an Assistant Professor with papers in predatory journals as Professor. FUTO is possibly setting that pace for others to follow.

Now that politicians are now feeling that the title “Dr.” is getting too common among themselves and the PhD holders among them are now interested in the title “Prof.” to distinguish themselves, we can possibly create honorary professors in our universities to make the acquisition of the title easier and less controversial. It may even be a source of revenue generation for our underfunded universities.

Anybody can have the “Dr” title at the moment. So, anyone should also be able to acquire the “Prof” title too. Let’s just pantamize the title and make it easier to be acquired. We can all be Profs!

Meanwhile, we are not envious of Dr. Isa Ali Ibrahim. Some of us in academics just want to set the record straight. He can still be a Professor, there is no doubt about it, but he needs to take the path of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari. The title does not make a man but what is in him.

©Amoka

Opinion

Amnesty International Report and My Questions to Them

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– Sufyan Lawal Kabo

sefjamil3@gmail.com

 

The recent condemnation issued by Amnesty International against the Kano State Government over the alleged killing of five persons during activities surrounding the swearing in of the new Deputy Governor has continued to raise serious concerns among many observers in Kano.

 

While every responsible citizen condemns violence and the loss of innocent lives, many are asking whether Amnesty International acted professionally and fairly before rushing to issue a strong public accusation against the government of Kano State.

 

Amnesty International, can a government that has invested heavily in ending political thuggery and street violence genuinely be accused of sponsoring the same violence it is fighting to eliminate?

 

Would a government that established the Safe Corridor Kano Model, profiled thousands of repentant youths, and committed over six hundred million naira for rehabilitation, empowerment and reintegration of former thugs suddenly turn around to encourage killings and chaos?

 

Can Amnesty International deny the fact that Kano has battled political thuggery and Yan Daba violence for decades, long before the present administration came into office? And among previous administrations, which government confronted the problem more directly than the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf?

 

What political benefit would any serious government gain from encouraging violence against citizens at a time it is working to secure public trust ahead of future elections?

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Before issuing its condemnation, did Amnesty International contact the Kano State Government, the Police, DSS, Civil Defence, or any recognised security agency in Kano to verify the allegation properly? Or has social media content now become sufficient evidence for an international organisation claiming credibility and neutrality?

 

How did Amnesty International arrive at such a sensitive conclusion without presenting verifiable evidence to the public? And how sure are the people of Kano that those supplying information to the organisation are not politically biased individuals determined to damage the image of the present administration?

 

Is it professional for a respected international body to release emotionally charged reports involving deaths and violence without balanced investigation, fair hearing, or proper engagement with relevant authorities?

 

Can Amnesty International also deny the visible security efforts of the Kano State Government under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, including stronger collaboration with security agencies, community security initiatives, deployment of operational support, and consistent public warnings against political violence and hooliganism?

 

If the government’s objective was violence, why would it continue investing public resources into youth rehabilitation, anti thuggery programmes and community peace initiatives?

 

The truth remains that Kano State Government has already condemned every act of violence connected to the incident and security agencies are reportedly investigating the matter. The government has also maintained its commitment to bringing perpetrators to justice according to law.

 

Amnesty International must therefore understand that careless or poorly verified reports on sensitive matters can create unnecessary tension, damage public confidence and unfairly malign governments making visible efforts to solve difficult social problems.

Kano deserves fairness. The people deserve peace. And organisations claiming international credibility must uphold professionalism, objectivity and thorough investigation before issuing reports capable of inflaming public emotions and damaging institutional reputations.

 

Sefjamil writes from Abuja

 

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Opinion

Evidence First: Why Amnesty International’s Kano Claims Cannot Stand-Mamman Iro

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By Mamman Iro Kano

May 7, 2026

On May 5, 2026, Kano State witnessed a moment of constitutional significance. Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo was formally sworn in as Deputy Governor, completing the executive structure of an administration that has navigated months of political turbulence with a clarity and a purposefulness that its governance record continues to validate. Within hours of that ceremony, Amnesty International released a report alleging that five people had been killed in connection with the event. The Kano State Government, in a formal press statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described the claim as misleading, unfounded, and mischievous, stating that active inquiries conducted with relevant security agencies produced no official report or credible evidence to support it, and that no violent incident occurred at the Kano State Government House or its surroundings during the official function. That irreconcilable gap between what Amnesty International alleged and what verified institutional assessments confirm is where this analysis begins, and where the evidence, examined honestly and without partisan filter, must ultimately speak for itself.

Let us be precise about what Amnesty International has alleged, because precision about the nature of an allegation determines the standard of evidence required to sustain it. This is not a vague claim about generalised insecurity in a northern Nigerian state. It is a specific allegation that five human beings were killed in direct connection with a formal state government ceremony, at or near the seat of the Kano State executive. That is among the most serious categories of claim available in the vocabulary of human rights reporting, and it carries a correspondingly heavy evidentiary burden. It attributes to a sitting administration not merely a failure to prevent violence but a direct and operational causal relationship between its own institutional activities and the deaths of five people. The fundamental question this analysis asks is straightforward: does the available evidence meet that burden? On the basis of the documented record, the answer is no.

The government’s rebuttal, issued through Commissioner Waiya on the same day as the Amnesty International report, establishes several institutionally grounded counter-claims that any responsible assessment must engage with seriously rather than dismiss as reflexive political defensiveness. The government states that it conducted active inquiries with relevant security agencies specifically to investigate the alleged incident and found no official report or credible evidence to support it. It states that no violent incident occurred at Government House or its surroundings during the swearing-in ceremony. It further notes that the Nigerian leadership of Amnesty International has, in its assessment, repeatedly demonstrated bias and unprofessional conduct in reports relating to Kano State while overlooking comparable developments elsewhere in the country, and it has called upon the organisation’s international leadership to monitor its Nigerian chapter’s activities in order to protect the organisation’s global integrity. These are specific, falsifiable, and institutionally grounded positions. They deserve the same investigative engagement that Amnesty International’s original allegations received, and the absence of independent forensic confirmation of the alleged deaths from any local security structure, community stakeholder, or civil society organisation with verifiable on-the-ground presence represents a critical and unresolved gap in the evidentiary foundation upon which the international narrative rests.

The methodological questions raised by this incident go beyond the specific facts of May 5, 2026, and engage with a broader and more consequential concern about how international human rights monitoring is conducted in environments as politically complex as Kano State. In today’s digital information environment, allegations circulate at velocities that far outpace the deliberate, forensically grounded verification processes that responsible documentation requires. Video content spreads without verified timestamps, geographic authentication, or editorial context. Short clips are selectively edited and repurposed, constructing plausible-seeming narratives from fragmentary and decontextualised evidence. Responsible human rights reporting, particularly in a state with Kano’s political and security complexity, must demonstrably rise above these limitations. Any attempt to directly implicate a state government in acts of organised violence must be supported by credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised security structures, a documented understanding of the longstanding criminal rivalries and territorial disputes operating among youth groups in the affected communities, and independent on-the-ground verification involving community leaders, traditional authorities, and civil society organisations before conclusions are publicly disseminated. The Unifier Project’s considered assessment is that the claims advanced against Kano State on May 7, 2026, do not demonstrably meet these standards.

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Beyond the specific facts of May 5, the broader institutional record of the Kano State Government presents a body of documented evidence that fundamentally complicates the narrative of state-sponsored violence. The administration’s Safe Corridor Kano Model, its flagship rehabilitative intervention targeting youth restiveness and street violence, has already profiled over 2,030 repentant youths for enrollment into its structured rehabilitation and reintegration programme. More than six hundred million naira has been approved for the first phase alone, targeting one thousand beneficiaries through vocational training, psychosocial support, and community reintegration pathways. These are not aspirational policy commitments. They are quantified, budgeted, and operationally active institutional investments in dismantling the conditions that produce youth violence. The logical incompatibility between an administration that has committed over N600 million to youth rehabilitation and an administration simultaneously accused of orchestrating the killing of citizens at its own official functions is not a rhetorical flourish. It is a substantive evidentiary consideration that any responsible investigation is obligated to address directly and honestly before reaching the conclusions that Amnesty International has chosen to advance.

The full governance record of this administration further deepens that incompatibility. Kano State is implementing a N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in its history, with 68 percent directed at capital projects. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention designed to reduce violent confrontations at the grassroots level. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results. Its hospitals are being upgraded. Its roads are being rebuilt. Its farmers are receiving fertiliser, its dams are being constructed, and its young people are being empowered with tools, capital, and opportunity. This is the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to the welfare and safety of its citizens must be situated. It is a context that demands engagement rather than dismissal from any monitoring body that claims to be conducting evidence-based human rights assessment.

There is a further dimension to this controversy that must be named clearly and without diplomatic evasion. The perception, held by a growing number of informed observers within Kano’s civic and political communities, that Amnesty International applies differential levels of scrutiny to Kano State relative to comparable or more severe situations elsewhere in Nigeria, is not a fringe complaint or a partisan deflection. It is a concern about the institutional evenhandedness that determines whether human rights advocacy functions as a genuine instrument of accountability or as a mechanism of selective narrative construction. When a state government with a documented N600 million rehabilitation investment, a quantified youth empowerment record, and a formal security agency finding of no evidence for the alleged incident is subjected to internationally amplified allegations of organised violence without the forensic verification that such allegations require, the credibility deficit that results belongs not only to the monitoring organisation but to the broader enterprise of international human rights advocacy whose authority depends on its perceived consistency and impartiality. This is a concern that the international leadership of Amnesty International, if it takes its institutional mission seriously, cannot afford to disregard.

The position advanced in this commentary is neither anti-accountability nor pro-impunity. It is, precisely and unambiguously, pro-evidence. Accountability without evidence is not accountability. It is accusation. And accusation, however institutionally prestigious its source, does not become fact through repetition, amplification, or the authority of the body advancing it. It becomes fact through verification, corroboration, and the honest and transparent application of the evidentiary standards that distinguish responsible human rights documentation from the uncritical transmission of unverified claims. Kano State, its government, its institutions, and its 20 million people deserve to be assessed on the basis of verified evidence rather than viral narratives. The international community deserves human rights reporting that it can trust because it has earned that trust through methodological rigour rather than claimed through institutional reputation. And the communities of Kano State, who live with the real and daily consequences of how their home is characterised to the world, deserve nothing less than the truth, told with the honesty, the precision, and the evidentiary integrity that their situation demands. Evidence must come first. It must always come first. And until it does, claims of the gravity advanced against Kano on May 7, 2026, cannot, in good conscience, be allowed to stand unchallenged.

 

 

 

Mamman Iro Kano wrote in from Gwarzo Road, Kano, Kano State.

May 7, 2026

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Opinion

The Unifier Perspective: Unifier Project Formally Contests the Evidentiary Basis of Amnesty International’s Claims Regarding the May 5 Kano Incident

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Issued by the Unifier Project, Kano State

May 7, 2026

The Unifier Project, a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative with operational structures across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State, has formally and comprehensively contested the evidentiary basis, the methodological framework, and the investigative rigour of the claims recently circulated by Amnesty International regarding the unfortunate events of May 5, 2026. In a statement issued from its State Secretariat in Kano, the organisation expressed serious concern about what it characterises as a pattern of premature conclusion-drawing that privileges the velocity of digital content circulation over the deliberate, community-engaged, and forensically grounded verification processes that responsible human rights documentation demands.

The Unifier Project wishes to state unequivocally that its position in this matter is not one of reflexive institutional defensiveness or partisan political alignment. It is a principled insistence on the application of the same evidentiary standards, the same contextual rigour, and the same methodological discipline that credible human rights advocacy demands of the governments and institutions it monitors. The organisation stands firmly for truth, due process, and the protection of community peace, and it is precisely those values that compel it to challenge characterisations of the May 5 incident that, in its assessment, rely disproportionately on fragmented viral content and speculative interpretive frameworks rather than verified, independently corroborated, and contextually grounded investigative evidence.

The incident of May 5, 2026, as assessed by local security institutions, community stakeholders, and civil society organisations with direct knowledge of the affected communities, involved individuals and groups with longstanding criminal histories, territorial disputes, and inter-factional rivalries whose origins significantly predate the current administration and whose dynamics are embedded in the specific social and geographic conditions of the communities in which they operate. The Unifier Project maintains that any credible and responsible investigation of events in these communities must engage substantively with this documented local context before advancing conclusions about political motivation, institutional complicity, or state-level orchestration. To assign political causation to events whose most proximate and most documented explanation is criminal confrontation, in the absence of forensic evidence establishing direct operational linkages between political decision-making and the conduct alleged, is to substitute analytical convenience for investigative integrity.

The organisation draws particular attention to the documented policy commitments of the Kano State Government as a body of institutional evidence that any serious investigative framework is obligated to engage with rather than treat as irrelevant background. The administration has pursued a structured, programmatically defined, and resource-backed approach to addressing youth restiveness and street violence through the Safe Corridor initiative, a rehabilitative framework explicitly designed to create pathways for the social reintegration, vocational empowerment, and psychosocial recovery of vulnerable young people previously associated with organised criminality and street violence. The internal coherence of any allegation of state-sponsored violence must be evaluated against the totality of a government’s documented institutional behaviour. An administration that has invested public resources, political capital, and programmatic infrastructure in a deescalation framework of this scope cannot credibly be implicated, without compelling forensic evidence, in the simultaneous engineering of the very instability that its own institutional architecture is demonstrably designed to eliminate.

The Unifier Project also draws attention to the broader governance context within which the events of May 5, 2026, must be situated. The Kano State Government is currently implementing its most ambitious development budget in the state’s recorded history, a N1.477 trillion appropriation for 2026 with 68 percent directed at capital expenditure spanning education, infrastructure, healthcare, and social protection. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people across the state, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention explicitly designed to reduce violent confrontations and strengthen civilian-security cooperation at the grassroots level. These are not abstract policy commitments. They are documented, verifiable, and independently assessable institutional actions that constitute the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to violence and instability must be rigorously evaluated.

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With respect to the methodological concerns that this incident raises for the broader practice of international human rights monitoring, the Unifier Project wishes to articulate clearly the evidentiary standards that it considers non-negotiable for any responsible investigative conclusion regarding events of this nature. These include credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional decision-making authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised and accountable security structures with direct knowledge of the affected communities, a demonstrated and documented understanding of the longstanding rivalries, territorial histories, and criminal network dynamics operating among youth groups in the specific localities concerned, and independent on-the-ground verification processes that meaningfully engage traditional authorities, community leaders, civil society organisations, and relevant law enforcement institutions before conclusions are formed and publicly disseminated. Without these foundational standards, investigative outputs risk functioning not as instruments of accountability but as mechanisms of institutional narrative-building that may, whether intentionally or otherwise, distort rather than illuminate the complex realities they purport to document.

The organisation further notes that the long-term credibility and institutional authority of global human rights bodies depend critically on the perceived consistency, proportionality, and methodological evenhandedness of their monitoring activities across different regions, different administrations, and different categories of political actor. Investigative patterns that appear to apply differential evidentiary thresholds or differential levels of scrutiny to different communities generate, among those communities, a perception of selective activism that is difficult to distinguish from politically motivated monitoring, and that ultimately undermines the culture of civic accountability that responsible human rights organisations exist to strengthen rather than selectively deploy. The Unifier Project does not raise this concern to deflect legitimate scrutiny. It raises it because the integrity of international human rights advocacy as a global public good depends on its practitioners holding themselves to the same standards of evidence, consistency, and contextual honesty that they demand of others.

Kano State is a community in active, measurable, and documented transformation. Its urban renewal programmes, governance reforms, public sector modernisation initiatives, and community stabilisation efforts represent a sustained and verifiable commitment to building a safer, more inclusive, and more prosperous society for its more than 20 million residents. The Unifier Project, with its operational presence across all 44 Local Government Areas and its direct engagement with ward-level civic structures throughout the state, is positioned to affirm, from direct community knowledge, that this transformation is real, that it is generating tangible improvements in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, and that it deserves to be assessed on the basis of its documented outcomes rather than characterised through the lens of allegations that remain forensically unsubstantiated and contextually inadequate.

The Unifier Project reaffirms its commitment to civic accountability, community protection, and the defence of due process as foundational values of democratic governance. It respectfully but firmly urges Amnesty International to engage in a more collaborative, locally informed, and forensically rigorous investigative process, one that prioritises direct engagement with community stakeholders, traditional authorities, security institutions, and civil society actors with verifiable local knowledge, before issuing globally amplified conclusions whose reputational, political, and institutional consequences for the communities concerned are significant and lasting. Allegations of the gravity advanced in this instance should carry only one weight, the weight of independently verified, contextually grounded, and forensically corroborated evidence. The Unifier Project will continue to discharge its responsibility to the people of Kano State by ensuring that the state’s story is told with the accuracy, the balance, and the contextual integrity that its communities deserve.

About the Unifier Project: The Unifier Project is a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative committed to community mobilisation, administrative transparency, civic participation, and the strengthening of socio-political unity across Kano State. With operational structures spanning all 44 Local Government Areas and active engagement at ward and polling unit levels throughout the state, the organisation serves as a community-anchored platform for informed civic advocacy, responsible public discourse, and the protection of Kano’s social and institutional integrity.

Signed:

Unifier Project, Kano State

Media and Strategic Communications Unit

May 7, 2026

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