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Between Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, Late Shaykh Umar Balarabe & the Kannywood of the Immediate Future

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5 years ago

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Ibrahim A Waziri

 

 

Ibraheem A. Waziri

 

Sometimes on July 16, 2020, friends and well-wishers residents of Arewa Facebook Community (AFC) gathered around my wall, to mourn with me on a thread of tribute I wrote over the loss of my elder cousin, Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem. Part of the aspect of the tribute that attracted the attention of many was the reference to the deceased articulated Fatwa [legal position] that mirrors the recent Fatwa issued by Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar about divorce discharged in fictional drama. Dr. Bashir’s has caught the attention of many a pundit residents of AFC, since 9th January 2021, when a Hausa online newspaper reechoed his Fatwas obtained from an already extant video clip!

 

Then in my July 2020 piece, I wrote of Shaykh Umaru Balarabe, that part of his Fatwas while alive was: “Marriages pronounced in fictional drama (wasan kwaikwayo) are not valid because of lack therein, of complete conditions of marriages, according to the jurisprudential canons in use in this part of the world. But divorces in them are valid.  Meaning if one is not legally married to the person they impliedly divorce in their fictional dramas then the divorcing words will automatically apply to their own spouses in real life. When asked why he used to answer that all the canons conclude that there is no joke in the affairs of divorce. Once it is uttered it has to fall real on something and that should be the real spouse at home – of the actor if he is married – outside the purported drama.”

 

I have had cause to reflect about this position for years. Shaykh Umar Balarabe used to quote from Mukhtasaral Khalil, the clause, “wa jadduhu wa hazluhu sawaun”, meaning in the affairs of divorce seriousness or seriousness (joke) doesn’t matter and stop there asking any disputant to show any nass(text) from Qur’an, Hadith or any of the Maliki/Ashariy canons in use here is West Africa nay Hausaland, Northern Nigeria, that explicitly contradict his assertion.

 

Here we are today where Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar is repeating the arguments of late Shaykh Umaru Balarabe – whom I used to think was a loner in this – point by point, Qur’an and Hadith. The only difference is the slight leeway Shaykh Bashir is able to provide where Shaykh Umaru Balarabe would not. Shaykh Umar maintained that even when a man in a movie point at another actress projected to be his wife and pronounced divorce upon her and owing to the fact that he is not legally married to her, then the divorce falls on his legal real wife if he is married. His argument used to be that,  an adult person under any circumstances must not refer to himself as divorcing his wife, if he is not intending so since there is no room for jest in matters of divorce in Sharia and no matter the situation. So if one should ever mention divorcing his wife then the words will fall on his actual real wife.

Encomiums On Talban Zazzau Abdulkadir Iya Pate and Iyan Zazzau Bashari Aminu

Whereas Shaykh Bashir gives space for accommodation in terms of wordings and exact pointers and specifiers; he believes where an adult person refers to self, divorcing wife and without using appropriate specifiers in a movie scene only then the wordings will extensively apply to his real family outside the drama. He then cited Ibn Qasim with his Maliki largely regarded fringe Fatwa which differs from him and suggests that a context even without appropriate specifiers may not lead to unwarranted implications on a real marriage.

 

SOME THOUGHTS

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Islam attaches so much premium to words spoken. In fact, one becomes a Muslim or non-Muslim, that is, belonging or not, to the universal brotherhood, instantly, and without causing any to doubt them by what they say in a brief period as in a second. Thus in all Muslim cultures, from the smallest unit of a society, which is family, have their foundations in the clarity and efficacy or otherwise of words spoken. It is the exactitude of words told that seal marriage contracts. Words to or from parents recklessly – as is believed – can open gates to multiple forms of spiritual and physical adversities and narrow the quantum of prosperity index for a child in their entire life. In the same vein, words spoken can ruin family or marital relationship, within a blink of an eye. This tends to foist a distinct form of awareness and unique character in any Muslim society when pursuing socio-cultural discourses and at any time. Muslims everywhere seem to concentrate too much on what and how things are said or not!

 

It is with this kind of mind-frame that the Muslim societies received cinema and cinematography, additional forms of operationalizing productive social dialogue, whose development to current form and practice was largely achieved, within late 19th century to the present, and by a civilization that does not place the same premium on words uttered as a Muslim civilization. In the West, a parent can say anything no matter how nasty to a child or vice versa without posing or attracting to themselves any supposed type of spiritual danger or provoking a general feeling of group-wide cultural impropriety.

Similarly, institutions of marriage are not endangered by careless whispers in an instant. Thus a film in the West does not pay attention to any perceived spiritual bearing the words of an actor can have on themselves, in their real life, no matter how they are spoken in as much as it is within the logical structure or particular thread of an outlined fiction.

 

This, of course, will pose a challenge to the Muslim societies who on one hand are beginning to come to terms with the utility and relevance of film making as an effective instrument of social engineering, cultural dialogue, and conscientization; and on the other,  if not handled or managed carefully, could breed unpleasant social mutations in society,  lead to non-conscious alteration of moral categories in favor of what the societies in their current form may consider detestable social and personal conceptions, thereby diluting the whole essence of Muslim societies and civilization. It is this similar concern as is clear from the two separate video clips by Shaykh Dr. Bashir Aliyu Umar, which informs his much-discussed Fatwa.

 

Therefore the implications drawn from these could be that movie directors, producers, and actors in Kannywood, must be extra careful in how they frame up and participate or present scenes and couch dialogues involving the Divine lest they shoot themselves out of the favor of their most precious Islam. While any other form of the depiction of other aspects of our social life might easily be accommodated attributing them to sole intention to dramatize, others relating to marriage and family life should be threaded with an extra layer of caution due to the reasons from the Qur’an, Hadith and the entire body of Maliki/Ashariy jurisprudence that is operational here as an ethical framework and a source of values for centuries as late Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem would mention.

 

This is not an exercise that seeks to nullify and invalidate the profession and practice of film making is this milieu as Hajiya Hamida Koguna , would want to say; but an effort to further pristinely purify the practice for it to serve our society upon its ordained chosen paradigm of social engagement. To some of us, it is better to borrow the modern social technology of entertainment and bend it to suit what is a local requirement of engagement, than to borrow it as it is, and then make our own ordained social order bend to its foreign requirements by sourcing for Fatwas out of our inherited ethical framework to achieve that.

 

Kannywood industry has been doing fairly well over the years. The government of Kano State, its host, has done better over the years by inaugurating a censorship board that oversees its activities and ensures compatibility of its output to the supreme but unwritten cultural constitution of these societies and the legal constitution of the land. To this end we have seen how a whole drama series spanning years could be run, keeping the interest of its national international audience nonstop, without men and women making body contact in ways that violate our sacred tradition in social engagement. Therefore couching film dialogues in divorce scenes that will not violate our traditional codes can never be harmful in any way and cannot affect the quality of an actor, director, or producer or affect their marketability and prosperity indices going upward in their profession. We also don’t necessarily need the extended hand of a Maliki fringe Fatwa, like that of Ibnal Qasim to execute this function satisfactorily.

 

Allah Ya jikan Shaykh Umar Balarabe Ibraheem da sauran magabata; Allah Ya tsare, Ya albarkaci Shaykh Bashir Aliyu Umaru damu baki daya!

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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5 days ago

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December 8, 2025

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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Opinion

Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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6 days ago

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December 7, 2025

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

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