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<p>By Ali Sabo</p><div class="XYTdVGFp" style="clear:both;float:left;width:100%;margin:0 0 20px 0;"><script async src="https://pagead2.googlesyndication.com/pagead/js/adsbygoogle.js"></script>

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<p>Nigeria’s democracy is facing a quiet but dangerous shift, not through the abolition of opposition parties, but through their systematic weakening. What is unfolding across the country’s political landscape increasingly suggests not just coincidence or internal dysfunction, but a pattern in which opposition parties are being fractured in ways that ultimately benefit the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).</p>
<p>At the heart of this crisis is the steady disintegration of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While internal divisions have long existed, recent developments point to something more strategic. The prominent role of Nyesom Wike, a leading PDP figure now serving as the FCT Minister within the APC government has blurred the line between opposition and ruling party influence. His continued leverage within PDP structures, combined with legal battles over party leadership, which were put to bed yesterday by the Supreme Court has effectively paralysed the party at a critical moment in Nigeria’s democratic cycle.</p>
<p>The pattern does not end with the PDP. The Labour Party, which energised millions of voters in the last election, is now entangled in leadership disputes and factional crises that have weakened its national momentum. The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) faces similar fragmentation. Even newer coalition efforts around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), led by Senator David Mark, are already showing signs of destabilisation before they can fully consolidate.</p><div class="ow8H6vqc" style="clear:both;float:left;width:100%;margin:0 0 20px 0;"><script async src="https://pagead2.googlesyndication.com/pagead/js/adsbygoogle.js"></script>

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<p>Individually, each of these crises might be explained away as internal party failure. But taken together, they reveal a broader pattern: every major opposition platform is simultaneously weakened, divided, or distracted. This is where the question of interference becomes unavoidable.</p>
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<p>The circulation and reported video allegedly involving the Chief of Staff to the President, has intensified concerns that these outcomes may not be entirely organic. The suggestion that political actors are being encouraged to remain within opposition parties in order to destabilise them, if true, reflects a strategy that does not eliminate opposition outright, but renders it ineffective from within.</p>
<p>Even beyond that video, Nigeria’s political history shows that power is rarely neutral in moments like this. Influence is exercised through alliances, inducements, strategic appointments, and the leveraging of state and legal processes. When key opposition figures align closely with the ruling establishment while retaining influence in their original parties, it creates conditions for internal sabotage that are difficult to prove, but impossible to ignore.</p>
<p>To be clear, opposition parties are not without fault. Weak internal democracy, personality-driven leadership, and lack of ideological clarity have made them vulnerable. But vulnerability alone does not explain the consistency and timing of the crises now affecting nearly all major opposition platforms.</p>
<p>What emerges is a political environment where: Opposition parties are internally divided, leadership struggles consume their energy, legal disputes stall their progress, and, ultimately, the ruling party faces a fragmented and ineffective challenge</p>
<p>This is how dominant-party systems are built, not by banning opposition, but by ensuring it cannot function effectively.</p>
<p>Nigeria is not yet a one-party state. But if the current trajectory continues, it risks becoming something just as troubling: a system where opposition exists, but only in form, not in strength.</p>
<p>The danger here is not only political; it is democratic. When voters begin to feel that alternatives are weak, compromised, or deliberately undermined, trust in the system erodes. Participation declines. Cynicism grows. And power becomes increasingly concentrated.</p>
<p>The responsibility, therefore, is twofold. The ruling party must recognise that long-term legitimacy depends on fair competition, not strategic dominance at all costs. And opposition parties must urgently rebuild internal cohesion and resist forces, internal or external that seek to divide them.</p>
<p>Because in the end, democracy is not sustained by the strength of those in power alone, but by the presence of a credible, independent, and resilient opposition.</p>
<p>Ali Sabo is a political analyst, and he writes from Kano</p>
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