Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano
Dear Prof T.A. I read your column piece several times, and wondered, as you did, why the Honourable (let’s assume) Adamu Adamu, the Minister for Education, behaved towards ASUU the way he did. You did refer to his 2013 strong defence of ASUU strikes in which he called the striking lecturers “heroes and patriots” and a bulwark for a strong University System. Social theorists seek to explain why, in a given micro setting, someone is doing something or why someone is behaving or has behaved in a particular way, especially when that act or behaviour was, or could be, surprising or shocking to those who thought or think that they knew or know him pretty well enough as to not expect him to behave in such a way or manner. In the case of Adamu Adamu, one could ask whether he was behaving stupidly or maliciously or vengefully. Many people thought that Adamu Adamu would do better than Chris Ngige, given the fact of his previous positive attitude to ASUU and that he it was who set up the very Prof. Nimi Briggs Committee that was charged with negotiating with ASUU, for example. How would one explain what you, Prof TA, have/has called his “choleric reticence”? One possible explanation is this: when Adamu Adamu praised ASUU to the heavens in 2013, he was virtually broke and, in any case, unemployed. He was then a “radical” of sorts, typical of dyspectic traditionalist radicals in northern Nigeria. The North of Nigeria is still largely a feudal, proto-peasant community, where what Nietzsche would call “romantic critics of tradition” abound. Yet upon joining the ruling elite, and having been a minister for almost eight years, Adamu Adamu’s psychology has had to change.
He’s now in a new cultural, political and economic setting, defined by privilege and insoucient entitlement. He’s now a confidant of the President of the country. He could jet in and out of Nigeria at will and at the expense of the State. He was gravely ill for a time and would have died but for state medical privilege. In this sense, Adamu Adamu’s hostile behaviour and action towards ASUU are typical of hitherto relatively poor individuals who are now, thanks to good luck or some good fortune, beneficiaries of social and economic parasitism. In this sense, Adamu would naturally see his role as the defender and preserver of official state policy, the Government’s Warrior in Shining Armour, despite his previous personal history and humble origins. Privilege is the flip side of economic parasitism. That’s why Adamu Adamu had to see ASUU as the “enemy within”. The second possible explanation is that, perhaps Adamu Adamu wanted to offer something reasonable for ASUU. One clue is that he did say, at an inter-ministerial meeting with the President on the strike issue, that ASUU were “patriots”. However, soon after that Adamu realised that there were other vested interests that hatched behind his back, and felt hopeless and caged and isolated in regards to the official state policy on the strike. Here, all we can say, if this explanation is plausible, is that Adamu Adamu could not live up to his moral or ethical beliefs and standing.
We call this his moral failure, a kind of moral cowardice since he could not stand up for his feelings and sense of what is right or wrong in this particular context. Third, perhaps Adamu’s sudden and last minute aggressive and ill-considered attitude towards ASUU may have been caused by the strident criticisms of his failure to be at the top of the situation. Many commentators called him “sloth”, “heavy”, and “weak” in the light of his slow rising to the situation. Perhaps Adamu Adsmu felt he must assert his “macho” and “power” over a recalcitrant ASUU.
Whatever explanation is plausible, Adamu Adamu stands condemned for his handling of the situation. Perhaps he lacks intuitive intelligence in these matters, having been inserted in a new and profitable official position. His former radical religious and moral personality has been dimmed by office-holding and the privileges that that has brought into his personal life and psychological identity. There’s no question that Adamu Adamu has ruined or damaged his preputation as a moral agent, at least in the eyes of a large number of Nigerians. Clearly, then, Adamu Adamu felt that ASUU was a minor irritant, who should be begging the Government and not bargaining with it. Yet it also entirely possible that in his new privileged position as a functionary of the State, he cannot stand a lowly Trade Union standing up to the Government and the mythical figure of Buhari as the President, a man who sees “enough is enough” as applicable only to ASUU’s activist stance on Education. It’s also possible that Adamu Adamu has now got an anemic view of lecturer renumeration.
Years of his Principal’s policies of marketisation and other neo-liberal management of the economy must have convinced Adamu Adamu that the lecturers don’t need or deserve higher salaries. The measly N60k he offered to Professors at the bar says volumes about the mindset of Adamu Adsmu and the President, who’s reputed to despise workers being (seen to be) affluent. Adamu Adamu may have shared this view, too. In a few months, Adamu Adamu would be out of office, out of continuing privilege, and out of official decision making, at least in a direct sense. Without a doubt, his legacy is one of unbridled assault on Collective Bargaining. But as Mick Lynch, the general sectary of the British RMT Union said late last year, “If You’re Not Bargaining, You’re Begging”. The irony of it all is that, Adamu Adamu and Cohorts will be gone while ASUU will be here for a long, long time. Ibrahim Bello-Kano.
